Zarif/Iran Making War Noise, Pentagon Ready

Iran of course is angry the United States declared the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corp a terror organization. Well, it is. Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif is making the media rounds and he is throwing out words like war, military intervention and conflict. Reinforcing Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei’s stance, Zarif warned: “If the United States takes the crazy measure of trying to prevent us from doing that, then it should be prepared for the consequences.” He did not give specifics.

Kerry, Zarif named candidates for 2016 Nobel Peace Prize

Zarif is even making noise about prisoner swaps as this shows some desperation including blocking the Strait of Hormuz from maritime oil tanker traffic. Stop the oil sanctions and we can pursue a prisoner swap..hummm. Zarif has also suggested possible cooperation with the United States to bring stability to Iraq and Afghanistan, a priority for both Tehran and Washington, but did not mention Syria.

US Central Command Chief General Kenneth McKenzie said on Saturday that the United States would deploy the necessary resources to counter any dangerous actions by Iran, Sky News Arabia reported.

“We’re gonna continue to reach out to our partners and friends in the region to ensure that we make common cause against the threat of Iran,” McKenzie, on an official visit to the Gulf region, was quoted as saying by Sky News Arabia.

“I believe we’ll have the resources necessary to deter Iran from taking actions that will be dangerous,” he said, according to a transcript released by the Abu Dhabi-based channel.

He said: “We will be able to respond effectively.”

Tensions between Tehran and Washington have risen since the Trump administration last year withdrew from an international nuclear deal with Iran and began ratcheting up sanctions.

Earlier this month, the United States blacklisted Iran’s Revolutionary Guards.

Washington on Monday demanded buyers of Iranian oil stop purchases by May or face sanctions, ending six months of waivers which allowed Iran’s eight biggest buyers, most of them in Asia, to continue importing limited volumes.

Iranian President Hassan Rouhani and some senior military commanders have threatened to disrupt oil shipments from Gulf countries if Washington tries to strangle Tehran oil exports.

McKenzie also said a reduction of US troops in Syria would be done cautiously.

“On the long term, we’re gonna reduce our forces in Syria, we recognize that, that’s the guidance in which we are operating.”

“That will be something that we will look at very carefully as we go forward,” the general said.

President Donald Trump had ordered the withdrawal of US troops Syria in December after he said they had defeated ISIS extremist group in Syria.

In February, a senior administration official said the United States will leave about 400 US troops split between two different regions of Syria.

McKenzie also said he was confident that the US is going to have “a long term presence in Iraq, focused on the counter-terror mission.”

Pirates Attack Gulf of Mexico Oil Rig

Pirates attack Gulf of Mexico oil rig, lock up crew and loot the contents

The Oro Negro rig is anchored off the coast of Campeche

Pirates attacked and plundered an oil rig last Sunday in the Gulf of Mexico, locking up the crew while they looked for loot.

Witnesses said at least six men armed with guns and knives boarded the rig at 9:30pm and proceeded directly to the third floor to wake up the crew. After locking up workers in the cafeteria, the thieves wandered freely, looting equipment, materials, money and anything of value they could carry.

The pirates departed at 4:00 am on Monday, when the rig’s captain sent an emergency alert to authorities. The navy responded 4 1/2 hours later. The crew and company lawyers have spent this week in interviews and taking inventory of damaged or stolen items, which have still not been fully identified.

It was not the first heist of this kind in the Gulf of Mexico, where pirate attacks are becoming a growing threat to oil rigs. On March 12, President López Obrador announced that the navy would maintain permanent operations off the coast of Dos Bocas, Tabasco, to protect against pirates that have in the past attacked Pemex oil rigs.

The rig that was targeted Sunday, called Fortius, is anchored several kilometers off the shore of Campeche. When fully staffed it has a total capacity of 150 people, but it is currently manned by a small maintenance team.

The owner, Mexican oilfield services firm Oro Negro, declared bankruptcy in September 2017, and is currently in the middle of a US $900-million negotiation with debtholders over the future of five oil rigs, including Fortius.

Life on Board a Gulf of Mexico Oil Drilling Platform

*** Seems this is not a new phenomenon as just last year a very similar attack occurred offshore from Nigeria. Pirates approached a rig in a speed boat armed with machine guns. Five men were kidnapped and the case has not been settled.

According to a recent report by International Maritime Bureau, for the nine months ended September 30, 2018, there were 41 actual and attempted attacks on vessels in Nigeria, which was the highest number in the world for the period. Nigeria is followed by Indonesia which had 31 attacks.

As for Africa, nobody comes close to Nigeria, as the two nations who share the second top spot for the amount of actual and attempted attacks are Benin and Ghana with five reported incidents each for the nine months of 2018. It is worth noting that many attacks go unreported.

According to IMB, Pirates in Nigeria are often well armed, violent and have attacked hijacked and robbed vessels, kidnapped crews along the coast, rivers, anchorages, ports and surrounding waters.

While the number of attacks seems to be the biggest in Nigeria, data from EOS Risk Group shows that Nigerian pirates are also responsible for attacks not just in Nigerian waters, but in those of the neighboring countries.
82 kidnapped in 2018 – Pirates across borders

EOS Risk Group’s Jake Longworth, who was among the first to break the Tidewater vessel attack news, was kind enough to share with Offshore Energy Today some intriguing statistics on the piracy and offshore attacks in West Africa.

See below the offshore stats for 2018 so far, as compiled by EOS Risk Group. Take note that the numbers do not take into account the Niger Delta:

TOTAL INCIDENTS IN 2018: 111 incidents (piracy, suspicious activity and port and anchorage based robberies) across West Africa so far in 2018. This excludes piracy activity within the Niger Delta.
So far in 2018, there have been 48 confirmed OFFSHORE Nigerian pirate attacks, occurring within the EEZs of Ghana, Benin, Nigeria, Cameroon, Gabon, and Congo. EOS Risk Group recorded 43 OFFSHORE Nigerian pirate attacks in 2017. This is an 11% increase from 2017 figures.
KIDNAP STATS: 82 seafarers have been kidnapped OFFSHORE and held for ransom in Nigeria so far in 2018. EOS recorded 75 kidnapped OFFSHORE in 2017 and 52 kidnapped OFFSHORE in 2016. This equates to a 9% increase this year from 2017, or a 58% increase compared to 2016 figures.
Many more are kidnapped and attacked on the inland Niger Delta creek and river network, which isn’t included in the above stats.
SUSPICIOUS ACTIVITY: EOS Risk Group has recorded 15 cases of suspicious activity / approaches that did not result in an attack.

Not All of Central America is Desperate, but Is

Belize and Costa Rica are thriving. Tourism for Belize is the top economic earner, then comes sugar and citrus production. The country enjoys an estimated annual growth of 2.5%. Costa Rica also has a strong economy with almost 4% annual growth and both countries have foreign investors.

So when it comes to El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras, they are among the poorest countries in the region. Seems those countries maintain an 85% poverty rate. The SOUTHCOM  Commander, Navy Admiral Craig Faller was in the region in January for a week visit to the three countries discussing security cooperation with emphasis on training, counter-drug missions and humanitarian operations. The United States maintains flight operations that track, detect and monitor all vehicles and crafts for illicit drug trafficking.

USAID has these cockamamie work plans in the region that promotes prosperity. That includes securing borders, increasing economic and business opportunities and stopping corruption. How is that working out? Just skim this document for context.

USAID gives $181 million to Honduras annually. Guatemala receives $257 million while El Salvador accepts $118 million. But hold on that is not all. We also have this other U. S. organization called Millennium Challenge. This is yet another cockamamie operation designed to partner with countries worldwide to promote growth and lift people out of poverty while investing in future generations through education.

Under the Hillary Clinton and John Kerry State Departments, Millennium Challenge has these workshops. Read more here.

Meanwhile, people are still bailing out of Central America in these caravans and the plight of Central America is now a plight for the United States coming through our Southern border.

So, check out how the caravans are using social media and encrypted communications to mobilize.

***

How does a Central American migrant caravan form?

today
In this Oct. 28, 2018 file photo, migrants charge their cell phones as a caravan of Central Americans trying to reach the U.S. border halts for a rest day in San Pedro Tapanatepec, Oaxaca state, Mexico. Hundreds of Central Americans are now getting as many details as possible before leaving north towards the U.S. border. Increasingly they’re organized over Facebook and WhatsApp as they try to join together in large groups they hope will make the trip safer, and without having to hide themselves from authorities. (AP Photo/Rebecca Blackwell, File)

SAN SALVADOR, El Salvador (AP) — “When does the next caravan leave?” ″Can I go? I’m from Guatemala.” ″What papers do I need for my kids?”

The questions pile up on the phones of hundreds of Central Americans, all with the same goal: Get as many details as possible before leaving their country.

Costly phone calls with relatives and friends in the United States to work out the route or find the best smuggler are a thing of the past for many Central Americans. Now would-be migrants create chat groups and organize using social media to leave in caravans.

“The social networks have had an empowering role in this new way of migrating,” said Abbdel Camargo, an anthropologist at the College of the Southern Border in Mexico. “They organize themselves en masse in their home countries, formed by entire families, and the networks serve them as a mechanism for safety and communication throughout the journey.”

The roots of the migrant caravan phenomenon began years ago when activists organized processions – often with a religious theme – during Holy Week to dramatize the hardships and needs of migrants. A minority of those involved wound up traveling all the way to the U.S. border.

That changed last year: On Oct. 13, hundreds of people walked out of Honduras and as the days passed and they crossed Guatemala, the group grew to more than 7,000 migrants. U.S. President Donald Trump seized on the new phenomenon to ramp up his anti-immigrant policies.

Since then, and parallel to the usual clandestine migrant flow north, smaller caravans have continued to leave the so-called Northern Triangle of Honduras, El Salvador and Guatemala.

And increasingly they’re organized over Facebook and WhatsApp as they try to join together in large groups they hope will make the trip safer, and without having to hide from authorities.

The most recent caravan left the bus station in San Pedro Sula in northern Honduras on April 10, and journalists from The Associated Press have been following various online migrant chats since late March.

“Anyone know anything about the caravan leaving on the 10th? They say the mother of all caravans is going,” one message said.

In this Feb. 8, 2019 file photo, 17-year-old Honduran migrant Josue Mejia Lucero, his girlfriend Milagro de Jesus Henriquez Ayala, 15, and Josue’s 3-year-old nephew Jefferson, look at cell phones as they lie in bed at the Agape World Mission shelter in Tijuana, Mexico. Hundreds of Central Americans are now getting as many details as possible before leaving north towards the U.S. border. (AP Photo/Emilio Espejel, File)

Élmer Alberto Cardona, a 27-year-old shopkeeper from Honduras, saw an announcement on Facebook just days after being deported from the U.S. to San Pedro Sula and said he didn’t think twice: He collected his three children, ages 3, 6 and 9, and headed north again on April 10.

He and his wife had left with the first caravan in October and made it to Tijuana, across the border from California. They obtained Mexican humanitarian visas that allowed them to temporarily live and work locally, but decided to cross the border and turn themselves over to U.S. border agents to request asylum.

It didn’t go well and they were detained in facilities in different states. He was deported first and his wife was still locked up when he started the journey again, this time with his children.

“I think it will go better this time; it looks like a lot of people are getting together,” he said by phone near the Honduras-Guatemala border.

It’s not clear who is launching the chats. The AP called the number of the person who created one of the WhatsApp chats. The woman who answered said her husband had lived in the U.S. for eight years, was deported and now wanted to return. After a few minutes, a male voice was heard and then she suddenly hung up and no one answered again.

In that group, members give bits of advice: Everyone should bring their passports and those thinking of traveling with children or coming from far away should arrive a day before the caravan leaves. “To take a child you just need a passport and permission if the mother isn’t going.” ″Take a photo with the mother and the baby.”

Some chats appear to be created for a set departure date. Others remain active from earlier caravans or with an eye toward future ones. They usually have various administrators who give advice from points on the route. WhatsApp group members’ phone numbers are from Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala, Mexico and even the United States. Friends and relatives share invitations.

People aren’t afraid to ask delicate questions in the chats: “Group, in Mexico can you find someone to take you to the other side?” And suspicions come out: “Don’t trust.” ″Remember that in Mexico there are a lot of kidnappings.” ”’There are no coordinators, that’s what people have to say so there aren’t problems.”

The messages also explore ways to seek protection against the robberies, extortion, kidnappings that have long plagued those crossing Mexico. Some express fear that the gangs have tried to infiltrate: “This dude works with the Zetas, a friend of mine from Olancho told me he knows him and that he’s still with them,” said someone who shared a photo of the alleged criminal.

Attention to the recent caravans soared in late March, when Mexican Interior Secretary, Olga Sánchez Cordero met with then-Homeland Security Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen, and without giving details, said that “the mother of all caravans” was forming with more than 20,000 people.

Shortly thereafter, Trump threatened again to close the border with Mexico and suspend aid to El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras.

While some in the group that left San Pedro Sula referred to it as “the mother of all caravans,” it had fewer than 3,000 people when it arrived at the Mexican border.

The caravans often grow when they reach Mexico because other migrants who are already waiting in the border area tend to join. As of mid-April, there were more than 8,000 migrants, including those who left San Pedro Sula on April 10, at various places in the southern state of Chiapas, according to Mexico’s National Human Rights Commission.

For those hoping to join, the chats provide information in real time about where to meet up — “Caravan where are you going?” ″We’re waiting for you here” — and also about roadblocks, places in Mexico where visas are being processed or sites where there’s been a problem.

Members also upload photos and videos to let their families know where they are and how they’re doing.

And though the April 10 caravan is still in southern Mexico, people in some groups are about forming others: “Another is leaving April 30, Salvadoran friends.”

___

You Afraid of Cryptocurrency?

It is a new term for alternative tangibles or intangibles of value but they have been around for centuries. Perhaps we are just fearing the unknown or rogue/fraudulent activities in instruments of value and the volatility of that value. Okay, that part is a good thing for sure. But give competition what it deserves, a chance.

What is cryptocurrency?

John Berlau did an exceptional job at this summary and after having an extended chat with Mr. Berlau, there is more to come on the topic. Meanwhile, enjoy his synopsis. Your comments are invited.

Why Speculative Consumer Goods Are Not “Securities”

Many questions are being asked about cryptocurrency. Is it a major innovation that will improve standards of living in ways we cannot yet imagine? Or is it a trendy phenomenon that will result in a speculative bubble of volatile assets? The answer to these questions may be: both of the above. New technologies have often produced bubbles that result in large disruptive busts. But after the bubble has burst and the dust has settled, the benefits of the innovation survive and lead to new, unforeseen benefits.

Yet, for all the talk about its novelty, the concept behind cryptocurrency has been around since the dawn of civilization. Cryptocurrency adds an electronic dimension to the privately issued currency and tokens that have existed through much of world history, as various items took on the role of money without government playing much, if any, role. For example, cowry shells, the shells of large snails, circulated as a medium of exchange from the 13th century B.C. to the 20th century in large parts of Africa and Asia and in scattered areas in Europe.[1]

In the American colonies and in the early days of the republic, tobacco warehouse receipts, also called tobacco notes, circulated as money. Promissory notes that were good at a number of tobacco warehouses throughout the original American states soon began to be used to purchase other items.[2] During the early-to-mid 19th century, thousands of currencies from banks and other business circulated in the U.S. For instance, the Howard Banking Company issued a bank note emblazoned with the image of Santa Claus in the 1850s that was redeemable for $5 worth of gold or silver.[3]

So in one sense, cryptocurrency is part of a long tradition of privately issued money, but it is also much more.[4] Bitcoin and other cryptocurrencies are peer-to-peer networks driven by consensus that make electronic cash for remote transactions without bank-like intermediaries.[5] Unfortunately, its promise for transformative innovation could come to a screeching halt under the weight of burdensome regulation.

SEC Threatens Regulation. Among federal financial regulatory agencies, none poses a greater threat to cryptocurrency and the associated blockchain technologies than the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC). Created in the 1930s to police “securities” such as stocks, bonds, and mutual funds, it was inevitable that the SEC regulation would come to interact with cryptocurrency. The SEC has jurisdiction over the financial statements of U.S. stock exchange-listed companies that issue cryptocurrency or accept payment in cryptocurrency, as well as over investment firms that hold cryptocurrency firms or cryptocurrency in their portfolios. The SEC has authority under the securities laws to ensure that companies accurately describe to investors the particulars of a firm’s cryptocurrency-related activities. However, over the past few years, the SEC has singled out firms dealing with cryptocurrency for more stringent treatment and has claimed jurisdiction over cryptocurrency products that was never granted to it by Congress. Further, the theory SEC Chairman Jay Clayton is pushing to deem cryptocurrencies as securities stretches the definition of “security” so broadly that even items such as collectible comic books could come under SEC jurisdiction.

Even before cryptocurrency came on the scene, the increasingly heavy hand of SEC regulation has come under scrutiny for stifling opportunities for startup entrepreneurs to raise capital and for middle class investors to get better returns on their investments. The SEC, as well as the securities laws it enforces, have come under bipartisan criticism from academics, entrepreneurs, investors, and members of Congress for creating red tape that makes it difficult both for entrepreneurs to raise capital in the public markets and for investors to find wealth-building opportunities. This concern prompted Congress to pass regulatory relief overwhelmingly in the Jumpstart Our Business Startups (JOBS) Act, which was signed by President Obama in 2012. In 2018, the U.S. House of Representatives passed a bill allowing further relief, the Jobs and Investor Confidence Act, with only four dissenting votes.[6]

The JOBS Act eased some burdens on entrepreneurs and investors by lifting bans on advertising in private companies and by exempting small and “emerging growth” companies from some of the costly burdens of securities laws like the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002 and the Dodd-Frank Act of 2010. The law seemed like a good foundation for reforming financial regulation in order to make it less burdensome for startup entrepreneurs innovating in new areas of technology and for informed investors willing to take risks.

So there were grounds for optimism when President Trump nominated Jay Clayton to serve as the chairman of the SEC, saying he hoped that Clayton would “undo many regulations which have stifled investment in American businesses, and restore oversight of the financial industry in a way that does not harm American workers.”[7] Rather than focus on this call for easing regulatory burdens, Clayton has spent much of his time expanding the SEC’s reach to go after firms and products that Congress has never given it the authority to regulate. Clayton is stretching the term “securities”—traditionally defined as stocks, bonds, and investment contracts—to cover issuances of cryptocurrency and bring them under the SEC’s jurisdiction, using the cryptocurrency “bubble” as a justification.

The prospect of this innovation coming under the same smothering SEC regulation that exists for publicly traded firms has made the cryptocurrency market even more volatile and created uncertainty for the development of associated blockchain technologies, which in most cases rely on cryptocurrency as an incentive for developers to keep them running.

Clayton’s worries about bubbles in the technology industry are misplaced. The dot-com bubble of the early 2000s is a perfect example of what the renowned Austrian economist Joseph Schumpeter called “creative destruction.”[8] The stock market value of many high-flying Internet firms did indeed vanish as quickly as it had risen. However, when the dust settled, innovations of the Internet era, such as e-commerce and search engines, were still around and thriving, along with giants-to-be like Google and Amazon. By 2006, more than 80 million Americans, or 42 percent of households, had broadband access, a figure that has now grown to 92 percent.[9] Meanwhile, online shopping transformed retailing.[10]

From Cryptocurrency to Blockchain. Could cryptocurrencies and blockchain technology lay the groundwork for innovation as consequential as the railroad and the Internet? Strong evidence indicates the answer is yes, particularly from the link between cryptocurrency and blockchain. Revolutions may well be occurring not just in money, but in ledgers and recordkeeping as well. But the process of innovation is following the similar bumpy route of previous technologies.

Before the development of Bitcoin, the first cryptocurrency, all remote payment transactions had to be conducted through central intermediaries that process the payment and keep a record of the transaction. This is largely to keep track of the money and avoid double spending by, for example, creating multiple electronic images of the same $10 bill.[11] Since it is very easy to copy a digital item, cheaters may try to buy multiple goods with one currency unit.[12] Simply emailing computer files as payment would give no reliable verification that cash had moved. Therefore, banks and other intermediaries kept a centralized registry of transactions that determined if the payer had rights to the funds in question.

Cryptocurrency has changed all this with the creation of scarce digital tokens validated by a peer-to-peer-network of the tokens’ users called “blockchain.” (The term is used without article in the plural, when referring to many “blockchains” listing different transactions.)

When Bitcoin was first developed as a digital asset and medium of exchange around 2009, its inventor, or group of inventors, the presumably pseudonymous Satoshi Nakamoto, created a blockchain ledger to ensure that Bitcoin’s distribution could be managed in a decentralized, peer-to-peer fashion, made possible by the science of cryptography, rather than a central authority in business or government. Nakamoto declared: “What is needed is an electronic payment system based on cryptographic proof instead of trust, allowing any two willing parties to transact directly with each other without the need for a trusted third party. Transactions that are computationally impractical to reverse would protect sellers from fraud, and routine escrow mechanisms could easily be implemented to protect buyers.”[13] [Emphasis added]

Blockchain works as a distributed ledger, in which multiple users keep encrypted records of a transaction. Each block of the chain stores numerous transactions with all relevant data, which are added to the chain and linked to the previous block. As explained by the Nakamoto white paper, blockchain is like a “timestamp server” in which “each timestamp includes the previous timestamp, … forming a chain, with each additional timestamp reinforcing the ones before it.” The timestamp is then distributed through “a peer-to-peer network using proof-of-work to record a public history of transactions that quickly becomes computationally impractical for an attacker to change.”[14]

Since this technology greatly improves records management, it has potential functions well beyond cryptocurrency. Already, it is being used in applications such as medical recordkeeping, land registry, and identity theft prevention.[15] Its potential is being explored in a variety of areas to solve longstanding problems. In January 2017, the U.S. Food and Drug Administration announced a collaboration with Watson, IBM’s machine learning division, to use a blockchain platform to securely share data from electronic health records and clinical trials. Blockchain achieves the seemingly contradictory goals of enhanced data security and privacy and the ability to rapidly access medical records by authorized medical professionals. It allows patients to consult doctors and nurses, with the confidence that their data are being protected from potential hackers.[16]

The capabilities of blockchain technology may be instrumental in land reform as well. The renowned development economist Hernando de Soto has said that blockchain could be so transformative in securing property rights in the developing world that, “I feel a great moral obligation to refocus my life around” the technology.[17] De Soto and the Lima, Peru-based Institute for Liberty and Democracy (ILD), which he leads, are currently working with blockchain technology firm Bitfury on establishing a land registry in the Republic of Georgia.[18] DeSoto is also seeking to set up similar blockchain-based registries in countries in Africa, South America, and Asia.[19] The ILD projects aim to record locally recognized land assets into a blockchain utilizing cryptocurrency in order to create a public ledger that would record and legitimize the land and water rights both the interests of both small farmers and miners and multinational companies.

Even cryptocurrency critics such as former Federal Reserve Governor Kevin Warsh concede that blockchain-based technology may be beneficial. However, they argue it could be divorced from cryptocurrency and its supposed problems.[20] But cryptocurrencies, or digital tokens, are essential to maintaining blockchain-based ledgers by incentivizing its record keepers to perform their crucial roles.

How Government Overreach Stifles Innovation and Worsens Bubbles. From trial and error comes success. Therefore, much of the fate of the technology depends on government policy. Fraud must be punished, but government should not overreach with one-size-fits-all rules that could halt innovation in its tracks. The world will never know the full potential of cryptocurrency and blockchain if heavy-handed government regulation hinders entrepreneurs from experimenting with novel approaches and applications.

Protecting entrepreneurs from government overreach is important not only to ensure that society gains from beneficial innovation, but also to moderate the kind of volatility that arises from government intervention.

In the case of the tech bubble, one often overlooked factor behind the crash was the Clinton Justice Department’s antitrust case against Microsoft. On April 3, 2000, Judge Thomas Penfield Jackson ruled that Microsoft had violated the Sherman Antitrust Act, siding with the government that Microsoft’s integration of its Web browser with its operating system constituted an illegal “restraint of trade” against its competitors. Microsoft’s stock fell nearly 15 percent upon news of this ruling. But surprisingly to some, nearly all major tech firms, including Microsoft’s competitors, also saw their stocks fall upon news of the ruling. The NASDAQ Stock Market dropped 350 points that day, losing 8 percent of its value.[21] Tech stocks as a group continued to decline for the next two years. Of course, the dot-com crash is too complex a phenomenon to attribute to a single cause, but the government’s prosecution of Microsoft clearly did not help.

Much of cryptocurrency’s apparent bust appears to be caused by the threat of government overreach as well. At the beginning of 2017, the price of Bitcoin, the world’s largest-circulating cryptocurrency, had yet to reach $1,000.[22] By the end of that year, it was trading at more than $13,000,[23] after reaching a high of nearly $20,000 a few weeks earlier on the CoinDesk Bitcoin Price Index.[24]

Other cryptocurrencies, such as Ether and Litecoin, tracked Bitcoin’s rise in price in 2017 and tumbled along with it in early 2018. Since the end of 2018, Bitcoin has been trading on most exchanges at slightly less than $4,000, until it rallied to more than $5,000 at the beginning of April 2019. While much of the drop can be attributed to an overheated market that was finally cooling down, fear of government crackdowns likely played a significant role in this decline. When news first broke that China might ban certain cryptocurrency exchanges, the price of Bitcoin dropped by 10 percent in one day. When China actually banned these exchanges five months later in February 2018, the price sank by a similar amount.[25]

In the U.S., hostility toward cryptocurrency has come from across the political spectrum. Some pundits, like former Federal Reserve Governor Warsh—who was appointed by President George W. Bush and often comments on cryptocurrency in the financial press, including The Wall Street Journal and CNBC—have acknowledged the currency’s innovations, but have called for the Federal Reserve issue its own digital currency and essentially stamp out private alternatives.[26] Rep. Brad Sherman (D-Calif.) has stated that “blockchain is a good technology,” but favored its exclusive monetary use with central bank currency. “There is nothing that can be done with cryptocurrency that cannot be done with sovereign currency that is meritorious and helpful to society,” he said.[27]

Since early 2017, the SEC has rejected more than 10 separate proposals by investment companies to sell Bitcoin-holding exchange-traded funds (ETFs) to retail investors.[28] A July 2018 Bitcoin ETF rejection drew a strong dissent from Commissioner Hester Peirce, who called out the SEC for singling out cryptocurrency investment vehicles with more stringent rules than those for other ETFs. The SEC’s rejection, she said, “signals an aversion to innovation that may convince entrepreneurs that they should take their ingenuity to other sectors of our economy, or to foreign markets, where their talents will be welcomed with more enthusiasm.” Above all, the SEC should concern itself with a firm’s accurate disclosure and not act as a “gatekeeper to innovation.” Peirce also warned that this action would put a potentially safer Bitcoin investment out of reach of middle class investors, who can buy the currency on cryptocurrency exchanges out of the SEC’s reach—for now. “This disapproval therefore unintentionally undermines investor protection,” she said. “It precludes investors from accessing bitcoin through an exchange-listed avenue that offers predictability, transparency, and ease of entry and exit.”[29]

Most Cryptocurrencies Are Not Securities. The SEC’s answer to this “investor protection” problem would place even more restrictions on investor choice, by expanding the SEC’s jurisdiction to cryptocurrency itself and to cryptocurrency exchanges, such as Coinbase, that match buyers and sellers. Without changes in the law, stated intent of Congress, or even a formal rule, the SEC has been sending signals through enforcement actions and statements from officials and that new issuers of cryptocurrency may need to go through the same cumbersome securities registration process as do issuers of stocks and bonds.

The SEC first weighed in on whether cryptocurrency could be deemed a security in a July 2017 public report on its investigation of a cryptocurrency-using platform called “The DAO.” To use this platform, participants purchased DAO tokens with the cryptocurrency Ether, and the tokens entitled participants to voting rights and “rewards.” A DAO co-creator likened the platform to “buying shares in a company and getting … dividends.”[30] The SEC labeled DAO tokens as illegal unregistered “securities,” but did not bring an enforcement action, which may have been in part because The DAO had shut down and participants had already been refunded by the time the investigation was concluded.[31] Because of the explicit promotion of the DAO system as an investment platform—a unique characteristic absent from the issuance of most cryptocurrencies—the SEC’s report was not widely seen at the time as potentially threatening the broader cryptocurrency market.[32]

However, soon after it issued the DAO report, the SEC began issuing desist orders not only to entities offering cryptocurrency as part of an investment structure, but also to entrepreneurs who had not made any promise of an investment return. It deemed as a “security” the digital Munchee coin, even though it was not promoted as an investment, but offered as a reward for contributors to a restaurant review app of the same name. After they completed a certain number of reviews, writers would get tokens that could be redeemed for complimentary or discounted meals. Nevertheless, the SEC went after these coins because of the possibility of a speculative “secondary market,” and the restaurant review app agreed to stop offering them in late 2017.[33]

SEC Chairman Clayton then stated to Congress in early 2018 that he has never seen a coin or token offering that in his mind was not a “security.”[34] According to the cryptocurrency news site Bitcoin.com, hundreds of cryptocurrency creators “are reportedly being ‘secretly’ targeted” by the SEC, and that these firms and individuals “are now scrambling to clarify whether their token constituted a security, and, if so, whether it was properly registered with or exempted by the SEC.”[35]

Deeming cryptocurrency as a “security” could put cryptocurrency out of the reach of middle-class investors because of the same red tape—both from SEC regulations and from financial regulation laws such as the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002 and the Dodd-Frank Act of 2010—that has hindered small investors’ access to stock in early stage growth companies. By forcing the documenting of minutiae for public companies, securities laws such as Sarbanes-Oxley and Dodd-Frank have quadrupled auditing costs and made it prohibitively expensive for new firms to go public. Thus, most companies going public today are large, dominant firms. Wealthy “accredited investors” were the only ones who prospered during their early growth stages.[36] “Everyone involved the field is nervously watching” the SEC, writes renowned technology writer George Gilder in his 2018 book, Life After Google. “The danger is that it will extend the doldrums into which it has led the entrepreneurial economy and drive industry out of the country.”[37]

There are also dangers to the functioning of blockchain technology—and all the transformative innovation that could flow from it—were the SEC to deem cryptocurrency a “security.” An influential law journal article by Jeffrey Alberts and Bertrand Fry, partners at Pryor Cashman LLP who specialize in financial technology (FinTech), argues that applying securities law to cryptocurrency could mean that thousands of members of peer-to-peer blockchain networks may have to register with the SEC as securities “issuers.”[38] This could also be the case even for a blockchain that is not utilized primarily for cryptocurrency. If those who maintain such blockchain are reimbursed with some type of cryptocurrency or digital tokens, as is current practice in many blockchain technology operations, they may still need to register as securities “issuers” depending on what rules are applied.

Many commentators have found the SEC’s deeming of cryptocurrency as a “security” to be a stretch of the securities’ laws’ original intentions. As Gilder writes: “Tokens represent not ownership shares of a company but rather various goods, services, gift cards, and other elements of a company’s value proposition. … Companies sell goods and services all the time in a variety of ways without any thought of the SEC.”[39]

Aside from the DAO, the SEC is not claiming that most cryptocurrency resembles stocks or bonds. By itself, cryptocurrency does not grant either ownership stakes in a company or a promised rate of interest or return on investment. Instead, the SEC is deeming many new issuances of cryptocurrency as securities because it argues that they fit a broad definition of the term “investment contract.” In June 2018, SEC Director of Corporation Finance Bill Hinman claimed that while established currencies such as Bitcoin and Ether are not securities now, they may have been when they were first created.[40] In a March 7, 2019 letter to Rep. Ted Budd (R-N.C.), Clayton said that he agreed with Hinman’s claim that a cryptocurrency that was “initially … a security” may “no longer meet that definition.” But, unlike Hinman, Clayton did not specify which cryptocurrencies he believed did not qualify as securities. Clayton signaled no major change to the SEC’s stance on cryptocurrency offerings. Instead, he argued that the SEC was simply carrying out federal securities laws that “define ‘security’ broadly to encompass virtually any instrument that may be sold as an investment.”[41]

Maintaining that most cryptocurrency is bought for speculative purposes, the SEC is relying on a Supreme Court case decided more than 70 years ago, SEC v. Howey (1946), which found that shares in orange groves were securities when paired with service contracts.[42] “The transactions in this case clearly involve investment contracts as so defined,” the Supreme Court declared. “The respondent companies are offering something more than fee simple interests in land, something different from a farm or orchard coupled with management services. They are offering an opportunity to contribute money and to share in the profits of a large citrus fruit enterprise managed and partly owned by respondents.”[43]

In the DAO report and other publications, the SEC has pointed to the “Howey test,” which stems from the Supreme Court case, as giving it the power to regulate many cryptocurrencies as securities. In Howey, the Court wrote, “The test is whether the scheme involves an investment of money in a common enterprise with profits to come solely from the efforts of others.”[44]

Yet even under the broad reading of “investment contracts” from the Howey test, cryptocurrency appears to fall outside the statutory definition of “securities.” In Howey, the service contracts obligated the original owner to maintain the orange groves for a number of years. The court stated that “there is ordinarily no right to specific fruit” for the owners of shares in the grove.[45] There are no such maintenance obligations in most cryptocurrency contracts, and consumers individually own the “fruit”—or coins—from day one.[46]

In a recent letter to the SEC that likely signals a looming legal challenge, attorneys for the popular Canadian social network Kik maintain that the SEC “has stretched the definition of a ‘security’—and, in particular, the definition of an ‘investment contract’ that the Supreme Court adopted over 70 years ago in SEC v. W.J. Howey Co., 328 U.S. 293, 301 (1946)—beyond its original meaning and intent.”[47] The letter was in response to an SEC preliminary determination that Kik violated securities laws when it offered a cryptocurrency called Kin to members of the social network. According to Kik’s letter, the SEC has never alleged that Kik committed any type of fraud in the offering, so the issue is purely one of issuing cryptocurrency without going through the red tape of a “securities” offering.[48] The letter concludes that “we believe the proposed enforcement action would exceed the Commission’s statutory authority and, as such, would fail.”[49] The letter cites an admonition from a panel of the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals that “while the subjective intent of the purchasers may have some bearing on the issue of whether they entered into investment contracts, we must focus our inquiry on what the purchasers were offered or promised.”[50]

In early April, the SEC issued a guidance document in response to demands from lawmakers and the cryptocurrency community to provide clarity on how it plans to apply securities laws apply to cryptocurrencies. But the guidance, “Framework for ‘Investment Contracts’ Analysis of Digital Assets,” appears to stretch the Howey Test even further and broadens greatly what products could be considered securities.[51] Georgia Quinn, a prominent FinTech attorney and general counsel at CoinList, said, “This stretches the test of what is a security from the three prongs of the Howey test to more than 40 prongs.”[52] It is worth noting that the guidance document was issued by SEC staff; it is not a rule voted on by the commissioners, but may still influence enforcement actions.[53]

One of the new factors the SEC seems to consider to deem a cryptocurrency a security is the existence of a secondary market—a characteristic that previously had played no part in the Howey test. Whether the oranges from the Howey groves could be sold in different markets was never at issue in the 1946 Supreme Court case. The Court deemed the interests in the groves to be securities because of participants’ right to a share of the profits and provisions in the specific service contracts that obligated the original owner to maintain the groves for the participants’ benefit. Nevertheless, the SEC guidance mentions the term “secondary market” seven times. The guidance advises that even in cases where coins can be used in a functional market for goods and services, “there may be securities transactions if … there are limited or no restrictions on reselling those digital assets.”[54]

The SEC’s expanded definition of a “security” to be “virtually any instrument that may be sold as an investment,” in Clayton’s words, or a product for which a “secondary market” exists, poses a threat to both cryptocurrency and many business sectors. Quinn says, “After reading this, I think airline miles and retailer points could be considered securities,” noting that some brands of these items are transferrable and therefore could be deemed to have a “secondary market.[55] For example, the site Points.com enables users to not only manage reward points, but also exchange them.

There are also many physical goods, from wine to comic books, which consumers buy both for enjoyment and for speculative purposes and which the SEC could claim to regulate as “securities” under its rationale for regulating cryptocurrency. With comic books, for instance, there was even a major industry bubble in the 1980s and 1990s, when publishers printed many new special editions, in part to please collectors and speculators. Many comic book retailers and issuers suffered from a wave of bankruptcies when the bubble burst in the mid-1990s. Yet there was no call for the SEC to regulate the comic book market—or the market for baseball cards, for that matter.[56]

There are plenty of federal and state agencies that have much clearer jurisdiction than the SEC to police cryptocurrency fraud. In fact, digital currencies have been called by one observer “one of the most regulated sectors within FinTech.” The Financial Crimes Enforcement Network, Federal Trade Commission, and various state agencies already have asserted jurisdiction over cryptocurrencies.[57] Congress can also update laws on the books to more clearly and narrowly define federal agencies’ jurisdiction. For cryptocurrency and other new technologies to flourish, consumers, investors and entrepreneurs must be protected from the overreach of the SEC.

Both cryptocurrency and blockchain are entering their second decade. As with many emerging young technologies, they have accomplished much in their first decade, but have yet to bloom fully into adulthood. That is all the more reason to protect them from what Nobel Laureate economist Milton Friedman called the “invisible foot” of government regulation, and instead let their growth be guided by the thousands of invisible hands of the marketplace.[58]

Notes


[1] “Cowry Shells: a Trade Currency,” National Bank of Belgium, https://www.nbbmuseum.be/en/2007/01/cowry-shells.htm. Boban Docevski, “Cowry Shell Coins: an Ancient Monetary System Based on Sea Shells Used on Almost Every Continent,” The Vintage News, January 21, 2018, https://www.thevintagenews.com/2018/01/21/cowry-shell-coins/.

[2] Sharon Ann Murphy, “Early American Colonists Had a Cash Problem. Here’s How They Solved It,” Time, February 27, 2017, http://time.com/4675303/money-colonial-america-currency-history/.

[3] “The Birth of the Dollar Bill,” Planet Money, Episode 421, National Public Radio, December 7, 2012, https://www.npr.org/templates/transcript/transcript.php?storyId=166747693.

[4] For more on this tradition, see Friedrich A. Von Hayek, Denationalisation of Money: An Analysis of the Theory and Practice of Concurrent Currencies (London: Institute of Economic Affairs, 1976).

[5] Peter Van Valkenburgh, “Exploring the Cryptocurrency and Blockchain Ecosystem,” Testimony before the U.S. Senate Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs, October 11, 2018, p. 47, https://www.banking.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/Van%20Valkenburg%20Testimony%2010-11-18.pdf.

[6] John Berlau, “Let Middle-Class Investors Join the ‘Accredited’ Club,” Forbes.com, August 27, 2018, https://www.forbes.com/sites/johnberlau/2018/08/27/let-middle-class-investors-join-the-accredited-club/#457d26414641

[7] “Trump Nominates Jay Clayton Chairman of the SEC,” Reuters, January 4, 2017, https://www.reuters.com/article/usa-trump-sec-idUSW1N1D10DU.

[8] Joseph Schumpeter, Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy (New York: Harper, 1975) [orig. pub. 1942], pp. 82-85, Literature and the Culture of Information, http://transcriptions-2008.english.ucsb.edu/archive/courses/liu/english25/index.html. Schumpeter wrote that the “process of Creative Destruction is the essential fact about capitalism. It is what capitalism consists in and what every capitalist concern has got to live in.”

[9] 2018 Broadband Deployment Report, Federal Communications Commission, https://www.fcc.gov/reports-research/reports/broadband-progress-reports/2018-broadband-deployment-report

[10] Daniel Gross, “The Bubbles that Built America,” CNN Money, undated, accessed February 4, 2019, https://money.cnn.com/galleries/2007/news/0705/gallery.bubbles/jump.html.

[11] Ibid.

[12] Chris Berg, Sinclair Davidson, and Jason Potts, “What Does the Blockchain Mean for Government? Cryptocurrencies in the Australian Payments System,” RMIT Blockchain Innovation Hub, p. 3, https://www.pc.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0012/226020/subdr061-financial-system.pdf.

[13] Satoshi Nakamoto, “Bitcoin: A Peer-to-Peer Electronic Cash System,” White Paper, Undated but circa 2008, p. 1, https://bitcoin.org/bitcoin.pdf.

[14] Nakamoto, pp. 2-8.

[15] John Berlau,”Let’s Keep Cryptocurrency Mines Running in Human Achievement Hour and Every Hour,” Forbes.com, March 24, 2018, https://www.forbes.com/sites/johnberlau/2018/03/24/lets-keep-cryptocurrency-mines-running-in-human-achievement-hour-every-hour/#63e2f8b267f8.

[16] Crypt Bytes Tech, “Medicalchain—A blockchain for electronic health records,” Medium.com, November 16, 2017, https://medium.com/crypt-bytes-tech/medicalchain-a-blockchain-for-electronic-health-records-eef181ed14c2.

[17] Gillian Tett, “Bitcoin, blockchain and the fight against poverty,” Financial Times, December 27, 2017, https://www.ft.com/content/60f838ea-e514-11e7-8b99-0191e45377ec.

[18] Richard Kastelein, “Georgia to Store Real Estate Documents in Blockchain System with Bitfury Group and Hernando de Soto,” Blockchain News, January 10, 2017, https://www.the-blockchain.com/2017/01/10/georgia-store-real-estate-documents-blockchain-system-bitfury-group-hernando-de-soto/.

[19] Andrew Nelson, “De Soto Inc.: Where Eminent Domain Meets the Blockchain,” Bitcoin Magazine, May 5, 2018, https://bitcoinmagazine.com/articles/de-soto-inc-where-eminent-domain-meets-blockchain/.

[20] Ana Alexandre, “Former US Federal Reserve Governor Says Federal Digital Currency Deserves Consideration,” Cointelegraph, May 5, 2018, https://cointelegraph.com/news/former-us-federal-reserve-governor-says-federal-digital-currency-deserves-consideration.

[21] Jake Ulick, “NASDAQ sinks 350 points,” CNN Money, April 3, 2000, https://money.cnn.com/2000/04/03/markets/markets_newyork/.

[22] Pete Rizzo, “Bitcoin Price Tops $1,000 in First Day of 2017 Trading, Coindesk, January 1, 2017, https://www.coindesk.com/bitcoin-price-1000-january-1-2017/.

[23] “Historical Snapshot–December 31, 2017,” CoinMarketCap, https://coinmarketcap.com/historical/20171231/

[24] Stan Higgins, “From $900 to $20,000: Bitcoin’s Historic 2017 Price Run Revisited,” CoinDesk, December 29, 2017,

https://www.coindesk.com/900-20000-bitcoins-historic-2017-price-run-revisited/.

[25] Diego Zuluaga, “Should Cryptocurrencies Be Regulated like Securities,” CMFA Briefing Paper No. 1, Cato Institute, June 25, 2018, pp. 3-4, https://object.cato.org/sites/cato.org/files/pubs/pdf/cmfa-briefing-paper-1-updated.pdf.

[26] Alexandre.

[27] “The Future of Money: Digital Currency,” Hearing before the House Financial Services Committee Subcommittee on Monetary Policy and Trade, July 18, 2018,

https://www.c-span.org/video/?448611-1/house-panel-examines-digital-currency.

[28] Nikhilesh DeStan Higgins, and Muyao Shen, “SEC Rejects 9 Bitcoin ETF proposals,” CoinDesk, August 22, 2018, https://www.coindesk.com/sec-rejects-7-bitcoin-etf-proposals. Simon Chandler, “A Brief History of the SEC’s Reviews of Bitcoin ETF Proposals,” CoinTelegraph, April 1, 2019, https://cointelegraph.com/news/a-brief-history-of-the-secs-reviews-of-bitcoin-etf-proposals.

[29] Hester Peirce, Dissent to Release No. 34-83723; File No. SR-BatsBZX-2016-30, July 26, 2018,

https://www.sec.gov/news/public-statement/peirce-dissent-34-83723.

[30] Securities and Exchange Commission, “Report of Investigation Pursuant to Section 21(a) of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934: The DAO,” Release No. 81207, July 25, 2017, https://www.sec.gov/litigation/investreport/34-81207.pdf.

[31] C. Thea Pitzen, “SEC Issues Warning on Token and Digital Currency Use,” American Bar Association, January 4, 2018, https://www.americanbar.org/groups/litigation/publications/litigation-news/top-stories/2018/sec-issues-warning-token-digital-currency-use/.

[32] Samuel Falcon, “The Story of the DAO—Its History and Consequences,” Medium, December 24, 2017, https://medium.com/swlh/the-story-of-the-dao-its-history-and-consequences-71e6a8a551ee.

[33] Katherine Cooper, “SEC Munchee Order a Recipe for Securities Violations,” CoinDesk, December 22, 2017, https://www.coindesk.com/secs-munchee-order-recipe-securities-law-violations.

[34] Stan Higgins, “SEC Chief Clayton: Every ICO I’ve Seen Is a Security,” CoinDesk, February 6, 2018, https://www.coindesk.com/sec-chief-clayton-every-ico-ive-seen-security.

[35] C. Edward Kelso, “Hundreds of ICOs Being Secretly Investigated by SEC, Claims Report,” Bitcoin.com, October 9, 2018, https://news.bitcoin.com/hundreds-of-icos-being-secretly-investigated-by-sec-claims-report/

[36] John Berlau, “Let Middle-Class Investors Join ‘Accredited’ Club,” Forbes.com, August 27, 2018, https://www.forbes.com/sites/johnberlau/2018/08/27/let-middle-class-investors-join-the-accredited-club/#697411946416.

[37] George Gilder, Life After Google (Washington, DC: Regnery Gateway, 2018), p. 181.

[38] Jeffrey E. Alberts and Bertrand Fry, “Is Bitcoin a Security,” Trustees of Boston University, https://www.bu.edu/jostl/files/2016/01/21.1_Alberts_Final_web.pdf.

[39] Ibid. Zuluaga. Paul Paray, “No, Not All ICOs Are Securities,” Coindesk, February 18, 2018, https://www.coindesk.com/no-not-icos-securities.

[40] William Hinman, “Digital Asset Transactions: When Howey Met Gary,” Speech at Yahoo Finance All Markets Summit: Crypto, Securities and Exchange Commission, June 14, 2018,

https://www.sec.gov/news/speech/speech-hinman-061418.

[41] Letter from Securities and Exchange Commission Chairman Jay Clayton to Representative Ted Budd, March, 7, 2019, https://coincenter.org/files/2019-03/clayton-token-response.pdf.

[42] Chitra Ragavan, “How a 1920s Florida Citrus Land Baron Created the Acid Test for Crypto Tokens,” Forbes.com, November 14, 2017,

https://medium.com/swlh/the-story-of-the-dao-its-history-and-consequences-71e6a8a551ee.

https://www.forbes.com/sites/chitraragavan/2017/11/14/how-a-1920s-florida-citrus-land-baron-created-the-acid-test-for-crypto-tokens/#9b7b47c4a3c4.

[43] SEC v. Howey, 328 U.S. 293, https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/328/293.

[44] Ibid.

[45] Ibid.

[46] Alberts and Fry, “Is Bitcoin a Security?” https://www.bu.edu/jostl/files/2016/01/21.1_Alberts_Final_web.pdf

[47] Letter (“Wells Submission”) from Kik Interactive, Inc., and the Kin Ecosystem Foundation to the Securities and Exchange Commission, December 10, 2018, p. 2, http://kinecosystem.org/wells_response.pdf.

[48] Ibid, p. 14.

[49] Ibid.

[50] Ibid., p. 17, citing Warfield v. Alaniz, 569 F.3d 1015, 1021.

[51] “Framework for ‘Investment Contracts’ Analysis of Digital Assets,” Securities and Exchange Commission, April 3, 2019, https://www.sec.gov/corpfin/framework-investment-contract-analysis-digital-assets.

[52] Telephone Interview with Georgia Quinn, April 5, 2019.

[53] The guidance can be considered what CEI’s Wayne Crews has termed “regulatory dark matter,” defined as agency issuances that are not officially “rules” but nevertheless carry regulatory weight. Clyde Wayne Crews, “Mapping Washington’s Lawlessness: An Inventory of Regulatory Dark Matter 2017 Edition,” Issue Analysis 2017 No. 4, Competitive Enterprise Institute, March 2017, https://cei.org/content/mapping-washington%E2%80%99s-lawlessness-2017.

[54] Framework, p. 11.

[55] Quinn.

[56] Jonathan V. Last, “The Crash of 1993,” Weekly Standard, June 13, 2011, https://www.weeklystandard.com/jonathan-v-last/the-crash-of-1993.

[57] “Virtual Currency: Financial Innovation and National Security Implications,” Hearing before House Financial Services Committee Subcommittee on Terrorism and Illicit Finance, June 8, 2017, p. 29 (Q&A with Rep. Warren Davidson questioning witness Jerry Brito), https://financialservices.house.gov/uploadedfiles/115-22.pdf.

[58] Emily Parker and Joseph Rago, Eds., “Friedman’s Sampler,” Wall Street Journal, November 18, 2006, https://www.wsj.com/articles/SB122522361412777111.

Genesis of U.S. Immigration Crisis

Well, we can for sure say that the Democrats side with the Communists, Marxists and Revolutionaries.

Hat tip to Glenn Beck and my buddy Ami Horowitz for the great foot work and investigations to determine where this illegal insurgency is really coming from. Beck pulled out his chalkboard again and his presentation is a good one.

So, while these democrats are not students of history while others have very short memories, there is a longer history to all of this immigration crisis. You see, a few years ago, I read a book titled From the Shadows, written by former CIA Director Robert Gates. Gates was also the Secretary of Defense as part of his long government service resume. He wrote that book in 1996. A particular page stayed in my memory and I did a search in my Book Nook today to find it.

Okay is there more? Yes.There are so many moving parts to the legacy immigration crisis today. Who is to blame? Too many it seems. But for context read on, history does repeat itself.

Going back to an article/summary from 2006, how did we get to this cockamamie asylum policy? It goes to a crisis that was born in 1980.

Citation: The year 1980 marked the opening of a decade of public controversy over U.S. refugee policy unprecedented since World War II. Large-scale migration to the United States from Central America began, as hundreds of thousands of Salvadorans, Guatemalans, and Nicaraguans fled north from civil war, repression, and economic devastation. That same year, in the last months of the Carter administration, the U.S. Congress passed the Refugee Act, a humanitarian law intended to expand eligibility for political asylum in the United States.

The Refugee Act brought U.S. law into line with international human rights standards, specifically the 1951 UN Convention and the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees. The United States had ratified the Protocol in 1968, thus becoming bound by the Convention’s provisions. While the previous law recognized only refugees from Communism, the Refugee Act was modeled on the convention’s non-ideological standard of a “well-founded fear of persecution.”

The coincidence of the Central American exodus with the passage of the Refugee Act set the stage for a decade-long controversy that ultimately involved thousands of Americans. The protagonists in the controversy included, on one side, immigrants’ rights lawyers, liberal members of Congress, religious activists, and the refugees themselves. On the other side were President Reagan and his administration, the State Department, the Department of Justice (including the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI)), and conservative members of Congress. The first group invoked international human rights and humanitarian and religious principles, while the Reagan administration’s arguments centered on national security and the global fight against Communism.

The public debate took place in a number of arenas and with several sets of participants. The federal courts were the venue for class-action cases contesting systemic INS violations of refugee rights, as well as for the criminal prosecution of religious humanitarians.

Unprecedented numbers of Americans became involved through their churches and synagogues, which proclaimed themselves “sanctuaries,” as well as in bar association efforts to provide pro bono representation to Salvadorans and Guatemalans. Throughout the decade, in hundreds of individual immigration hearings, lawyers for asylum applicants and INS lawyers waged a low-intensity struggle over the nature of the conflict in Central America and the rights of individual Central Americans to asylum status.

In Congress, members debated the war and laws aimed at helping Central Americans rejected as refugees. The refugees themselves became a voice in the U.S. public debate. They formed their own community assistance groups and advocacy centers, which worked with lawyers, religious groups, and the movement against United States involvement in Central America.

Cold War by Proxy and Human Rights in Central America

In El Salvador and Guatemala, civil war had been years in the making, as oligarchies supported by corrupt military leaders repressed large sectors of the rural population. In Nicaragua, the socialist revolutionary Frente Sandinista had ousted the brutal right-wing dictator Anastasio Somoza in 1979. The civil war in El Salvador increased in intensity in early 1980. Government-supported assassins gunned down Archbishop Oscar Romero at the altar shortly after he had publicly ordered Salvadoran soldiers to stop killing civilians. In December 1980, four U.S. churchwomen were assassinated in El Salvador, an act of brutality that brought the violence “home” to the U.S. public.

The administration of President Ronald Reagan, who came to power in January 1981, saw these civil wars as theaters in the Cold War. In both El Salvador and Guatemala, the United States intervened on the side of those governments, which were fighting Marxist-led popular movements. In Nicaragua, however, the United States supported the contra rebels against the socialist Sandinista government.

During much of the early 1980s, international human rights organizations (such as Amnesty International and Americas Watch — later part of Human Rights Watch) regularly reported high levels of repression in El Salvador and Guatemala, with the vast majority of human rights violations committed by military and government-supported paramilitary forces.

In El Salvador, the military and death squads were responsible for thousands of disappearances and murders of union leaders, community leaders, and suspected guerilla sympathizers, including priests and nuns. In Guatemala, the army’s counter-insurgency campaign focused on indigenous communities, resulting in thousands of disappearances, murders, and forced displacements.

The Intersection of Foreign Policy and Asylum Policy

It is estimated that between 1981 and 1990, almost one million Salvadorans and Guatemalans fled repression at home and made the dangerous journey across Mexico, entering the United States clandestinely. Thousands traveled undetected to major cities such as Washington, DC, Los Angeles, San Francisco, Boston, New York, and Chicago. However, thousands were also detained at or near the Mexico-U.S. border.

The Reagan administration regarded policy toward Central American migrants as part of its overall strategy in the region. Congress had imposed a ban on foreign assistance to governments that committed gross violations of human rights, thus compelling the administration to deny Salvadoran and Guatemalan government complicity in atrocities. Immigration law allowed the attorney general and INS officials wide discretion regarding bond, work authorization, and conditions of detention for asylum seekers, while immigration judges received individual “opinion letters” from the State Department regarding each asylum application. Thus the administration’s foreign policy strongly influenced asylum decisions for Central Americans.

Characterizing the Salvadorans and Guatemalans as “economic migrants,” the Reagan administration denied that the Salvadoran and Guatemalan governments had violated human rights. As a result, approval rates for Salvadoran and Guatemalan asylum cases were under three percent in 1984. In the same year, the approval rate for Iranians was 60 percent, 40 percent for Afghans fleeing the Soviet invasion, and 32 percent for Poles.

The Justice Department and INS actively discouraged Salvadorans and Guatemalans from applying for political asylum. Salvadorans and Guatemalans arrested near the Mexico-U.S. border were herded into crowded detention centers and pressured to agree to “voluntarily return” to their countries of origin. Thousands were deported without ever having the opportunity to receive legal advice or be informed of the possibility of applying for refugee status. Considering the widely reported human rights violations in El Salvador and Guatemala, the treatment of these migrants constituted a violation of U.S. obligations under the 1951 Refugee Convention.

As word of the conditions in Central America and the plight of the refugees began to come to public attention in the early 1980s, three sectors began to work in opposition to the de facto “no asylum” policy: the religious sector, attorneys, and the refugees themselves.

Although a number of Congressmen and women were influenced by the position of religious organizations, the administration thwarted their efforts. In 1983, 89 members of Congress requested that the attorney general and Department of State grant “Extended Voluntary Departure” to Salvadorans who had fled the war. The administration denied their request, stating such a grant would only serve as a “magnet” for more unauthorized Salvadorans in addition to the hundreds of thousands already present. In the late 1980s, the House of Representatives passed several bills to suspend the deportation of Salvadorans, but none passed the Senate.

The Sanctuary Movement

The network of religious congregations that became known as the Sanctuary Movement started with a Presbyterian church and a Quaker meeting in Tucson, Arizona. These two congregations began legal and humanitarian assistance to Salvadoran and Guatemalan refugees in 1980.

When, after two years, none of the refugees they assisted had been granted political asylum, Rev. John Fife of Southside Presbyterian Church in Tucson announced — on the anniversary of the assassination of Salvadoran Archbishop Oscar Romero — that his church would openly defy INS and become a “sanctuary” for Central Americans. The Arizona congregations were soon joined by networks of religious congregations and activists in Northern California, South Texas, and Chicago.

At the Sanctuary Movement’s height in the mid 1980s, over 150 congregations openly defied the government, publicly sponsoring and supporting undocumented Salvadoran or Guatemalan refugee families. Another 1,000 local Christian and Jewish congregations, several major Protestant denominations, the Conservative and Reform Jewish associations, and several Catholic orders all endorsed the concept and practice of sanctuary. Sanctuary workers coordinated with activists in Mexico to smuggle Salvadorans and Guatemalans over the border and across the country. Assistance provided to refugees included bail and legal representation, as well as food, medical care, and employment.

The defense of the Salvadorans and Guatemalans marked a new use of international human rights norms by U.S. activists. Citing the Nuremberg principles of personal accountability developed in the post-World War II Nazi tribunals, religious activists claimed a legal precedent to justify their violation of U.S. laws against alien smuggling. Other activists claimed that their actions were justified by the religious and moral principles of the 19th-century U.S. abolitionist movement, referring to their activities as a new “Underground Railroad.” Many U.S. religious leaders involved in the Sanctuary Movement had prior experience in the 1960s civil disobedience campaigns against racial segregation in the American South.

The Department of Justice responded by initiating criminal prosecutions against two activists in Texas in 1984, followed by a 71-count criminal conspiracy indictment against 16 U.S. and Mexican religious activists announced in Arizona in January 1985. The Texas trials resulted in split verdicts, one conviction and one acquittal.

The Arizona trial became a major focus of organizing and publicity for the Sanctuary Movement, attracting a stellar team of volunteer criminal defense attorneys. Although the Department of Justice maintained the case was an ordinary alien-smuggling prosecution, the general counsel of INS attended sessions of the lengthy trial.

Despite the judge’s order barring the defense from presenting evidence of conditions in El Salvador or Guatemala, the Sanctuary Movement managed to turn the publicity surrounding the trial into an indictment of the Reagan administration’s war in Central America and its treatment of the refugees. All the Arizona defendants were convicted, but none were sentenced to jail time. After the Arizona trials, the movement continued to attract more congregations.

The Department of Justice did not bring any more criminal indictments of sanctuary activists after the Texas and Arizona cases.

The Lawyers

Along the U.S.-Mexico border, from the Rio Grande Valley to San Diego, local lawyers and religious activists set up new legal services projects to help detained refugees. In Los Angeles, Boston, San Francisco, Washington, DC, Chicago, and other cities, existing nonprofit legal services projects and lawyers in private practice started representing individual refugees. Pro bono panels put together by local and national bar groups — including the National Lawyers Guild Immigration Project, the American Immigration Lawyers Association, and the American Bar Association — supplemented their work.

Through coordinated strategies in individual cases, these lawyers began to address detention conditions as well as develop the new case law of the Refugee Act. In California and Texas, civil rights lawyers filed class-action cases to establish basic due process rights. While some of the cases (regarding work authorization, translation assistance, and transfer of detainees between facilities) were not successful, other decisions established national standards for the treatment of detained Salvadoran and Guatemalan asylum seekers.

The refugees and their lawyers faced enormous challenges in asylum hearings, as the required opinion letters from the Department of State, which greatly influenced immigration judges, uniformly denied the existence of human rights violations in El Salvador and Guatemala. However, in some cases, attorneys won important victories before the Board of Immigration Appeals and in the federal circuit courts that established precedents helpful to all asylum applicants. Other efforts, such as an attempt to establish that all Salvadoran civilian young men were a social group persecuted by the government, were less successful.

Finally, a group of lawyers from the National Lawyers Guild, the American Civil Liberties Union, and other organizations brought a major, national class-action case on behalf of religious organizations, legal services projects, and Salvadoran and Guatemalan refugees, claiming that the administration’s wholesale denial of political asylum claims and prosecutions of those who assisted refugees violated their constitutional, statutory, and internationally recognized human rights.

In the case, known as American Baptist Churches v. Thornburgh, the federal courts had dismissed religious organizations’ claims. However, in 1991 the U.S. District Court in San Francisco approved a settlement that allowed the reopening of denied political asylum claims and late applications by refugees who had been afraid to apply. The decision also granted class members work authorization and protection from deportation.

The settlement agreement between the plaintiffs and the government (by that time the Bush administration) included language stating that government decisions on political asylum cases would not be influenced by foreign policy considerations.

The Refugees

In many cities, Salvadoran and Guatemalan refugees formed mutual assistance organizations. Projects such as Casa Guatemala, Casa El Salvador, Comite El Salvador, and others gave the community the ability to get legal advice and information about conditions back home as well as to learn about local health care and food assistance. These groups also worked with local lawyers’ organizations and religious and antiwar activists, who assisted in decisions regarding class-action litigation and supported individual asylum applicants.

Over 20 years later, a number of these immigrant-led projects, including Centro Presente in Boston, Centro Romero in Chicago, and El Rescate in Los Angeles, still exist as full-service, nonprofit legal and community services centers. Many of the leaders of these efforts remain active in the immigrants’ rights movement, as well as in other social justice projects in the United States, El Salvador, and Guatemala.

Congress

In 1990, after its earlier frustrations to address the Central American asylum seekers, Congress finally passed legislation allowing the president to grant Temporary Protected Status (TPS) to certain groups in need of a temporary safe haven. The first TPS legislation contained one provision (never codified as part of the Immigration and Nationality Act) explicitly designating Salvadorans for TPS.

Through the early 1990s, Salvadoran and Guatemalans who had arrived in the 1980s were able to stay in the country under a series of discretionary measures and under the terms of the 1991 settlement in the American Baptist Churches litigation. It was not until the late 1990s that their status was finally settled in a legislative agreement with the supporters of the anti-Sandinista Nicaraguans. The passage of the 1997 Nicaraguan Adjustment and Central American Relief Act finally allowed Salvadorans and Guatemalans protected under the American Baptist Churches settlement to apply for permanent residence.

Conclusion

What spurred the activism of the Sanctuary Movement and Central American refugees and their lawyers was the manner in which the Reagan administration linked the fate of individual asylum seekers to its foreign policy interests. Today, the use of immigration enforcement as a “magic bullet” for national security concerns requires close examination by the U.S. public.

Immigrant communities, members of Congress, policy analysts, religious leaders, and legal experts must determine whether the human rights of individual immigrants and asylum seekers are being trampled in a rush to create a public perception of effective security.

The development of a stronger anti-immigrant grassroots movement in certain areas of the country presents new challenges. Similarly, restrictions on access to the federal courts for review of certain immigration decisions create new obstacles for advocates to overcome. However, at the same time, immigrant-led organizations and immigrants’ rights coalitions have become more sophisticated in their lobbying and public education efforts.

The proimmigrant religious sector (particularly the Catholic Church) is vocal once again, as humanitarian assistance to the undocumented may be criminalized in proposed legislation. Whether the current decade will end with even limited victories for the human rights of immigrants is as yet unknown.