The Timeline and Iran Back-Channel People

The Iranian Timeline of Terrorist Activities

Written by : Asharq Al-Awsat

Saturday, 16 Jan, 2016

Washington- 1979: On the year of the Iranian revolution, and after Ayatollah Khamenei returned to Iran, Iranians broke into the US embassy in Tehran, capturing 90 people. Later on they released women, African Americans, and indigenous Americans, while keeping 50 other diplomats captive for 444 days.

1980: With the start of the Iranian-Iraqi war, The Quds Force division unit of Iran’s Revolutionary Guard was established, answering only to the Supreme leader’s authority.

1982: During the Iranian-Iraqi war, Iran recruited troops from the Kurdistan Democratic Party and the Democratic National Union of Kurdistan to fight along their side.

1982: Ali Akbar Mohtashami, Iranian 1982-1985 ambassador, and minister of interior affairs, founded Hezbollah in Lebanon. Hezbollah until today remains a political, military, and security, proxy for the Iranian plans for both Lebanon and Syria.

1983: 58 Americans were killed when a truck exploded in front of the US embassy in Beirut, which, later on, the United States held both Hezbollah and Iran responsible for.

1983: Two suicide attacks on American and French marine troops’ bases in Beirut lead to the death of 241 Americans, 58 French troops, and 6 civilians aside from the two attackers, tens were injured too. On 2002, the US court condemned Hezbollah and Iran for the attacks.

1983: Coinciding explosions target 6 institutes both Kuwaiti and foreign, including the US embassy in Kuwait. Iran and its proxies were accused for the attacks.

1985: A civil plane boarding 153 people was hijacked during its flight between Athena and Rome, and driven to Beirut. The plane was later moved from Beirut to Algeria, with two passengers killed, and the rest released. The Hijack was later traced back to an organization associated with Hezbollah and the kidnappers were: Imad Mughniyah, Hassan Ezzeddine, Ali Atweand Mohammed Ali Hamadeh; all Hezbollah members.

1989: An attempted murder of the novelist Salman Rushdie for writing Ayate Sheitani, “Satanic verses” failed. Lebanon-based Hezbollah declared coordinating with the Iranian Revolutionary Guard for the attempt.

1992: An explosion targeting the Israeli embassy in Argentine. The Iranian Revolutionary Guard was accused for perpetrating the attack.

1994: The Jewish cultural center in Buenos Aries, Argentine, was subjected to an explosion, and the Revolutionary Guard Stands was held responsible.

1995: The Iranian Revolutionary Guard organized an international gathering in Tehran, inviting several terrorist organizations, some of which were: the Japanese Red Army, the Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia, the Iraqi Islamic Dawa Party, and the Lebanese Hezbollah.

1996: The terrorist Khobar Towers’ bombing in Saudi Arabia killed 19 Americans; Iran and proxies were held responsible.

1998: Two bombings targeted American embassies in Nairobi- Kenya and Dar es Salaam- Tanzania.

2001: After the US September attacks, American reports published report on Iran supporting al-Qaeda, and that it had allowed the 9/11 perpetrators to pass through its grounds. The Iranian Revolutionary Guard and Hezbollah were enlisted as terrorist organizations.

2002: An American report issued that Hezbolla is granted an annual support from Iran ranging between 60 to100 million dollars. (Other reports estimated support to have reached 200 million dollars).

2002: Pentagon issued a report accusing the Iranian Revolutionary Guard, Hezbollah, Egyptian Islamist group, and al-Qaeda for participating in terrorist operations carried out on the border region between “Argentine, Brazil, and Paraguay”.

 

2005: Rafic Hariri, Lebanese Prime Minister, alongside two of his companions were assassinated in an explosion that targeted Harir’s convoy to Beirut. The prosecution of the Special Tribunal for Lebanon requested a number of accused figures (all members of Hezbollah), for investigation purposes, however, Hezbollah refused to hand them in. Later on, multiple political assassinations following Rafic al-Hariri’s assassination were added to the case files of the tribunal.

 

2005: An American report accused Iran of harboring al-Qaeda militants in Afghanistan, some of which were relatives of Osama bin Laden.

2007: American General of forces in Iraq, David Petraeus in a congressional interrogation: Iran supports “Jaysh al-Mahdi” militia in Iraq in addition to other Shiite militants. Those supported by Iran are responsible for the death of over a thousand US soldiers in Iraq (by then).

2008: The Israeli embassy in the Baku capital of Azerbaijan is targeted with attempted bombing. Iran and its proxies were accused to also stand behind the operation.

2011: The Iranian plot to blow up a restaurant in Washington, DC, which was frequented by the Saudi ambassador (at the time) Adel al-Jubeir, who is today the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Although the target was the Saudi ambassador, the Iranian operation was going to kill many American citizens found at the restaurant.

2012: Blowing up a bus carrying Israeli tourists at an airport in Bulgarian city of Burgas. Five tourists were killed in addition to the bus driver and the bomber. The Iranian Revolutionary Guard and Hezbollah were accused.

2012: In a court in Kenya, two detained Iranians were accused of being members of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards, and of having plans to blow up embassies of the United States, Britain and Israel in the Kenyan capital Nairobi.

2012: Indian police announced that they had confirmed that the Iranian Revolutionary Guard was behind the terrorist attack in New Delhi, which targeted Israeli diplomats in that year.

2013: Iranian plot in Nigeria against an Israeli shipping company and Office of U.S. Foreign Assistance Resources. 2013: Discovering secret filming operations Iran was behind, targeting the Israeli embassy in Baku, capital of Azerbaijan.

2014: Accusing Hezbollah of planning an attack on Israeli tourists in Bangkok, capital of Thailand. 2014: The arrest of spies working for Iran in Lima, capital of Peru, with the aim of attacking the Jewish synagogue, among them a Hezbollah member.

2015: Bahrain police discovered weapons and explosives factory, arresting agents of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards.

2016: The Ministry of the Interior in Bahrain discovered a terrorist cell affiliated with the Lebanese Hezbollah and the Iranian Revolutionary Guards.

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Hostage Swap: Obama’s Secret Second Channel to Iran

Brett McGurk, a senior State Department official, led a small American team in secret prisoner-swap negotiations with Iran, which culminated in today’s agreement. Photograph: Mandel Ngan / AFP / Getty

Fourteen months ago, President Obama authorized a top-secret, second diplomatic channel with Tehran to negotiate freedom for Americans who had disappeared or been imprisoned in Iran. It was a high-risk diplomatic gamble. The initiative grew out of nuclear negotiations, launched in the fall of 2013, between Iran and the world’s six major powers. On the margins of every session, Wendy Sherman, the top American negotiator, pressed her Iranian counterparts about the American cases. The Iranians countered with demands for the release of their citizens imprisoned in the United States for sanctions-busting crimes. More than a year of informal discussions between Sherman and her counterpart, Majid Takht Ravanchi, the Iranian Foreign Ministry official in charge of American and European affairs, led to an agreement, in late 2014, that the issue should be handled separately—but officially—through a second channel. After debate within the Administration, Obama approved the initiative. But it was so tightly held that most of the American team engaged in tortuous negotiations on Iran’s nuclear program were not told about it.

What heightened the risk was the fact that the new Iranian team was headed by a senior intelligence official, a sharp departure from the traditional but still tentative diplomatic channels with the Iranian Foreign Ministry developed in the nuclear talks. The involvement of Iranian intelligence made prospects far more unpredictable—and potentially controversial. Brett McGurk, a senior State Department official, headed the small American team, which also included officials from the Department of Justice, the F.B.I., and the intelligence community. The meetings—facilitated by the Swiss government and often held in Geneva—repeatedly hit snags, complications, legal hurdles, and last-minute demands. The swap—officially referred to as a “humanitarian gesture”—came close to fruition three times over more than a year of secret meetings, only to collapse again and again, an Iranian official said.

The deal finally came together this morning, just as Iran and the six major powers also moved toward Implementation Day of the Iran nuclear deal. It will mark the point when the U.N. confirms that Iran has complied with terms to dismantle its program, allowing international sanctions to be lifted. Secretary of State John Kerry held one final meeting with his Iranian counterpart, in Vienna, hosted by the European Union foreign-policy chief, Federica Mogherini. The separate diplomatic channels happened to mature at the same pace, according to U.S. officials. The second channel accelerated after the nuclear deal was announced last July.

Secretary of State John Kerry and Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif met one final time in Vienna before Implementation Day and the separate but simultaneous announcement that the two countries had agreed on a prisoner swap.

The United States had hoped to make the announcement of the Americans’ release this morning, but Iran’s semi-official Fars News Agency preëmpted Washington with its own announcement that four Iranian-Americans imprisoned in Iran had been freed as part of a prisoner exchange, following a decision by the Supreme National Security Council. The State Department scrambled to get out its statement. “We offered clemency to seven Iranians, six of whom are dual U.S.-Iranian citizens, who had been convicted or are pending trial in the United States,” it said. “The United States also removed any Interpol red notices and dismissed any charges against 14 Iranians for whom it was assessed that extradition requests were unlikely to be successful.” The number was pared down significantly from the original Iranian list, U.S. officials said. And not all the American cases against Iranians were resolved by the swap.

The release marked the end of a troubled saga that had been further politicized during the U.S. electoral season. Many Republicans had criticized President Obama for agreeing to a nuclear deal—which will give Iran access to tens of billions of dollars in oil revenues that had been locked in foreign banks because of sanctions—while Americans were still held in Iran.

Indeed, the reaction was swift and biting among Republican Presidential candidates. “The fact of the matter is that this tells us everything we need to know about the Iranian regime—that they take people hostage in order to gain concessions,” Senator Marco Rubio said. “And the fact that they can get away with it with this Administration, I think, has created an incentive for more governments to do this around the world.”

U.S. officials remained upbeat. “We think this is a very good day,” a senior Administration official said, during a teleconference briefing this morning. “We think this proves that we are able to resolve issues when we have diplomatic channels.” But he hastened to add, “This was not a traditional spy swap. We are pursuing this in context of an extraordinary moment in U.S.-Iranian relations as implementation of the nuclear deal is upon us.”

“In many ways, this was harder than the nuclear deal,” Wendy Sherman told me on Friday. “Because these were about American citizens, human lives, the pain of their families, the pain of their daily existence. I’m very glad to see them coming home.”

Brett McGurk, the point man on the American team, began his career in Washington as a law clerk to William H. Rehnquist, the late Chief Justice. He has been given some of the toughest assignments at the State Department. His official biography describes him as one of the architects of President George W. Bush’s “surge” of U.S. troops to combat Al Qaeda. He was a key adviser during the Obama Administration’s review of our Iraq policy, and later helped manage the transition as the United States withdrew its troops. McGurk is now Special Presidential Envoy for the Global Coalition to Counter ISIL. He was in Geneva negotiating right through Saturday morning, State Department officials said.

The most widely known American released today is the Washington Post correspondent Jason Rezaian, who had been detained since July, 2014.  Born in California, of Iranian parents, he went to Iran as a young reporter, married an Iranian journalist, and settled in. He was charged with espionage, “collaborating with hostile governments,” and “propaganda against the establishment.” Among Rezaian’s alleged crimes, according to Iranian press reports, was writing to President Obama and offering advice based on his wide range of Iranian contacts. Rezaian was convicted last year, but his sentence, curiously, was never announced. Even his lawyer said that she didn’t know what it was.

Rezaian’s wife, the journalist Yaganeh Salehi, was detained at the same time. She was later released on bail, but the charges were never dismissed. She is being allowed to fly out of Iran with her husband, U.S. officials said.

Of the four prisoners released by Iran, Amir Hekmati, a former Marine, had been imprisoned the longest. He was born in Arizona, grew up in Michigan, and served in Iraq. He was visiting his grandmother in Tehran when he was arrested, in August, 2011, and charged with espionage, waging war against God, and “corrupting the earth.” He received the death sentence. A retrial overturned that conviction, and he was sentenced to ten years for “coöperating with hostile governments.”

The Reverend Saeed Abedini, who was born in Iran, converted to Christianity from Islam. Christianity is legal in Iran, and Christians have special, and proportionate, seats in Parliament. But Abedini was a convert, and reportedly helped to establish underground churches in Iran for other converts. He eventually married an American, moved to the United States, in 2005, and was ordained by the American Evangelistic Association. But he returned to Tehran in 2009. He was picked up in 2012 and charged with undermining national security. He was sentenced to eight years.

The fourth released prisoner is Nosratollah Khosrawi-Roodsari, about whom little is known. The United States was not even aware that he had been detained until it received a diplomatic note about him from the Iranians during the negotiations. He was detained sometime in the past year, U.S. officials said.

In a separate case, a fifth American, Matthew Trevithick, was also allowed to leave Iran today, before the others. Imprisoned early last month, on unknown charges, he was a young businessman who ran a research organization in Turkey and had been in an intensive language-training class in Tehran. He was just completing his course when he was arrested. Shortly after he graduated from Boston University, Trevithick worked as my research assistant at the Woodrow Wilson International Center, in Washington. He later worked for two years at the American University in Sulaymaniyah, in Iraqi Kurdistan, and for four years at the American University in Kabul. He was allowed to call his parents this morning en route to the airport.

At least two Americans are not coming home. Siamak Namazi was detained in October, although the judiciary has never confirmed his arrest or charges against him. A young analyst from a prominent Iranian family, he came to the United States as a boy, received dual citizenship, and attended college at Tufts, then returned to Iran to do compulsory military service. He did stints as an analyst at think tanks in Washington, including the National Endowment for Democracy. He later set up shop in Dubai as a consultant on energy issues. He had avoided going back to Iran after the arrests of other Iranian-Americans, but he received signals that it was safe to visit his family. He was soon picked up. “We’re doing everything we can to resolve his case,” a senior official said.

Robert Levinson, a retired F.B.I. agent, who has been missing for more than eight years, is a more complicated case. He was last seen on Iran’s Kish Island in 2007. Levinson told colleagues that he was working on a cigarette-smuggling investigation, but the Washington Post reported, in 2013, that he had actually been on a C.I.A. contract, and was dispatched by intelligence analysts who had no authority to run operations overseas. The revelation of the rogue operation led to a shakeup at the agency.

In 2013, Levinson’s family released a series of “proof of life” photos sent to them of a bearded, bedraggled, and chained Levinson in an orange prison jumpsuit, the type worn by detainees at Guantanamo Bay. In each photo, he carried a sign. In one, he pleaded, “Help me.” Another read “I Am Here in Guantanamo Do You Know Where It Is?” U.S. officials say that Iran’s claims not to know Levinson’s current status are credible. There have been suggestions over the years, never confirmed, that he might have been taken to Baluchistan, an unruly area that overlaps the borders of Iran and Pakistan. In its announcement of the prisoner swap, the State Department said, “Iran has also committed to continue cooperating with the United States to determine the whereabouts of Robert Levinson.”

The Fars New Agency identified the seven Iranian inmates freed by the United States as Nader Modanlou, Bahram Mechanic, Khosrow Afqahi, Arash Ghahreman, Touraj Faridi, Nima Golestaneh, and Ali Sabounchi. All had been charged with violations of sanctions or trade restrictions. None had ties to terrorist activity, U.S. officials said Saturday.

Despite the timing, U.S. officials insisted that the two big breakthroughs on Saturday—on the nuclear deal and on the detainees—were not initially designed to conclude simultaneously. “As unbelievable as it will be for a lot of people, the two channels were really separate,” a U.S. official familiar with the talks told me. “They steamrolled in such a way that they ended up coming together at a time Iran wanted to clean the decks.”

The release set the stage for at least one additional step that could resolve some remaining differences between Tehran and Washington, but those negotiations are still under way. The Obama Administration also hopes today’s events will foster further coöperation when the United States and Iran participate in new Syrian peace talks, set to begin on January 25th—a process far more complex than the negotiations over nukes or hostages.

December, Obama: Apply Sanctions on Iran, No Wait

No wait something with regard to humanitarian causes is brewing. Another cup of eggnog? Michelle, hold on….got a meeting, oh another conference call. John, I am not going to notify Congress, you do it and pick only those need to know Democrats to advise them. Is Jack Lew on line 5? Suspend, hold, where do I sign?

Freed Americans are on a Swiss jet w/ Giulio Haas, Swiss amb. to Iran. From Geneva they will go to a U.S. military base in Germany. Previously, Iran released them to the Swiss embassy.

Here comes the backstory on how all the Iran sanctions, prisoner swaps began and regardless of what Josh Earnest said, or the scolding of the media that Obama did and dismissing what John Kerry was promising, we and the Congress were lied to. Oh…imagine that….the Iran nuclear did DID include the prisoner swap that was being handled by the Swiss delegation and the Ayatollah.

Under Obama, millions or rather billions have been released to Iran for months.

The European Union Council lifted their sanctions, that statement is found here.

The full sanctions architecture listed by the U.S. Department of Treasury is found here.

As of 4:00 PM, EST POTUS formally revokes Executive Orders 13574, 13590, 13622 and 13645, in compliance with the JCPOA.

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Exclusive: In negotiating to free Americans in Iran, U.S. blinked on new sanctions

Reuters: The day before the Obama administration was due to slap new sanctions on Iran late last month, Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif warned U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry the move could derail a prisoner deal the two sides had been negotiating in secret for months.

Kerry and other top aides to President Barack Obama, who was vacationing in Hawaii, convened a series of conference calls and concluded they could not risk losing the chance to free Americans held by Tehran.

At the last minute, the Obama administration officials decided to delay a package of limited and targeted sanctions intended to penalize Iran for recent test-firings of a ballistic missile capable of delivering a nuclear warhead.

This account of previously unreported internal deliberations was provided by two people with knowledge of the matter.

A third official said Obama had approved the decision to delay the sanctions.

Those unilateral U.S. sanctions are expected to be imposed quickly now after Iran freed five Americans, including Washington Post journalist Jason Rezaian, on Saturday. Eight Iranians accused in the United States of sanctions violations were having charges dropped or sentences commuted on Saturday under the complex prisoner deal, according to court filings and sources familiar with the cases.

The moves came as broader U.S. and international sanctions were set to be lifted after verification that it had met commitments to curb its nuclear program.

But Kerry’s decision not to call Iran’s bluff in December shows how months of clandestine negotiations to free Rezaian and other Americans became deeply intertwined with the final push to implement the nuclear deal, despite the official U.S. line that those efforts were separate.

A U.S. official said on Saturday there was no connection between the nuclear deal and the release of the Americans.

The prisoner swap could also come under scrutiny from critics who have questioned the Obama administration’s resolve in dealing with Iran and ability to follow through on its pledge to keep a hard line on sanctions outside those imposed on its nuclear program.

The episode was one of several diplomatic and military near misses between Iran and the United States in recent weeks, including a quickly defused crisis when 10 U.S. sailors were detained after entering Iranian waters.

 

TENSE CALLS AND BUREAUCRATIC ERRORS

Details of the prisoner talks were a closely held secret, so even within the Obama administration few people realized how perilously close the swap came to falling through.

On Dec. 29, Kerry told Zarif the United States intended to impose new sanctions on Iran over the missile test firings, which were deemed to have violated a United Nations ban, according to a U.S. official and congressional sources.

Zarif countered that if Washington went ahead, the prisoner swap was off, the sources said.

Kerry spoke by phone that night with Treasury Secretary Jack Lew and a White House official and the decision was made to hold off on any sanctions announcement, they said.

Zarif’s ability to fend off new U.S. sanctions, even temporarily, may have bought him some breathing space with Iranian hardliners who oppose the terms of nuclear deal. They have insisted that any new sanctions would be a show of bad faith by Washington.

But a bureaucratic misstep almost undid Kerry and Lew’s decision. Word of their last-minute intervention to delay the sanctions never filtered down to working-level officials at the State Department during the holiday lull.

Unaware of the change of plan, the State officials went ahead and quietly informed key congressional offices the next morning about the new Iran sanctions targeting about a dozen companies and individuals. They included copies of a news release that the Treasury Department intended to issue.

Officials then abruptly pulled back, telling congressional staffers the announcement had been “delayed for a few hours,” according to an email seen by Reuters. The next day the State Department emailed that sanctions were delayed because of “evolving diplomatic work that is consistent with our national security interests.”

Administration officials then told some congressional staffers confidentially that something big involving Iran was in the works, in an apparent attempt to tamp down criticism from Capitol Hill, a congressional source said.

Leading lawmakers, including some of Obama’s fellow Democrats, chided the White House for delaying the sanctions package and suggested it could embolden Iran to further threaten its neighbors and destabilize the Middle East.

 

SMALL CIRCLE OF TRUST

The nuclear deal signed on July 14 between Iran and world powers had been widely hailed as a major boost for Obama’s legacy. But he also faced criticism for refusing to make the accord contingent on Iran’s release of Americans known to be held by Iran. The prisoners, accused of spying and other charges, included Rezaian and several other Iranian-Americans.

At a White House news conference the day after the nuclear accord was signed, Obama bristled at a reporter’s suggestion that while basking in the glow of the foreign policy achievement he was all but ignoring the plight of Americans still detained in Iran.

“You should know better,” he said, adding that U.S. diplomats were “working diligently to try to get them out.” But Obama insisted that linking their fate directly to the nuclear negotiations would have encouraged the Iranians to seek additional concessions.

Once the deal was done, Kerry told his staff to redouble efforts to secure the Americans’ release, a U.S. official said. By that time, Brett McGurk, a State Department official, had already been conducting secret negotiations for months with an unnamed Iranian representative, the official said.

In a sign that Iran was looking for a way forward, officials of the Iranian interests section in Washington – Tehran’s de facto embassy – began meetings in August with some of the 12 Iranians held in the United States for violating sanctions. The aim was to see whether they would be willing to return to Iran if a swap could be arranged, according to a person familiar with the cases.

In recent months, senior Iranian officials repeatedly floated the idea of a prisoner exchange, despite apparent opposition from Iranian hardliners.

Kerry informed only a handful of senior lawmakers on a confidential basis on Thursday night that a release of Americans held in Iran was imminent, a congressional source said.

Obama has had some success in keeping such proceedings under wraps in the past. His aides negotiated a deal in late 2014 that led to Cuba’s release of former U.S. aid contractor Alan Gross and a U.S. intelligence operative while Washington freed three Cuban spies.

But it was a prisoner swap earlier that year – the Taliban’s release of alleged U.S. army deserter Bowe Bergdahl in exchange for five Taliban commanders held at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba – that caused a backlash from Republican lawmakers. They argued that Obama failed to give Congress the legally required notice for transfer of Guantanamo prisoners and questioned whether Bergdahl endangered fellow soldiers by slipping away from his post in Afghanistan, provoking a massive manhunt.

On Saturday, Kerry and Zarif joined with European Union foreign affairs chief Federica Mogherini in Vienna for planned “Implementation Day,” which would end a decade of nuclear sanctions on Iran and unlock billions of dollars of its frozen assets.

With the U.S. prisoners free, Obama may now feel freer to go ahead with the missile sanctions, which are far more limited than the nuclear sanctions program that crippled Iran’s economy. U.S. officials have said that the new financial penalties remain on the table and are likely to be revisited soon.

 

Prisoner Swap with Iran, So Far 4 for 7 and Counting

1:35 PM, EST Update:

The names of those who had Interpol red notices lifted by the State Department, the Department of Justice and the White House:

Mohammad Abbas Mohammadi, Kurosh Taherkhani, Sajjad Farhadi, Seyed Ahmad Abtahi, Gholamreza Mahmudi, Hamid Arabnezhad, Ali Mo’attar, Mohammad Ali She’rbaaf, Amin Ravan, Behruz Dowlatzadeh, Said Jamili, Jalal Salami, Matin Sadeghi, Alireza Mo’azami-Gudarzi.

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Today, Barack Obama issued at least 3 pardons to Iranians in U.S. prisoners for violating Iran sanctions. Likely, there are other prisoners that will be part of a future swap in coming days.

Switzerland facilitated Iran-U.S. prisoner swap, Iran’s UN ambassador tells state TV.

Confirmed: Hamid Arabnejad, CEO of Mahan, which delivers weapons to Assad daily, to be taken off Interpol list as part of swap.

America does not do prisoner swaps, at least until Barack Obama, where it has become and epidemic. Further, we still don’t know the status of former DEA/FBI operative Robert Levinson who was last heard from in 2011 and was kidnapped on Kish Island, as the Iranians continue to say they never heard of him.

The State Department has dropped Interpol ‘red notices’ on several others, those names have not been formally announced but several included those involved in the AIMA bombing in Buenos Aries, Argentina.

August, 2015: BUENOS AIRES, Argentina (JTA) — An international arrest warrant for Iran’s former defense minister in the AMIA Jewish center bombing will not be lifted under the Iran nuclear deal, U.S. officials said.

Ahmad Vahidi is still being sought in connection with the deadly 1994 bombing of the Buenos Aires center and nothing will change under the agreement between Iran and the world powers reached last month, according to the State Department.

“Nothing in the recently concluded Joint Comprehensive Plan Of Action, or JCPOA, on Iran’s nuclear program has an impact on or removes the Red Notice for General Vahidi issued by Interpol, in relation to the 1994‎ bombing in Argentina,” the State Department said in a statement Friday, two days after Argentine Foreign Minister Hector Timerman asked Secretary of State John Kerry about Vahidi’s status in a letter. “And we continue to urge the international community and Argentine authorities to do whatever is necessary to hold the AMIA bombers accountable for that atrocity.

Along with Vahidi, Iran’s Revolutionary Guards Corps and its officials remain sanctioned in the United States because they were listed for reasons outside the scope of the agreement, the statement said.

Timerman’s letter also was sent to European Union foreign affairs chief Federica Mogherini.

The Wall Street Journal reported last week that “the E.U.’s planned delisting of Tehran’s former minister of defense, retired Brig. Gen. Ahmad Vahidi, is among a group of Iranian military officers, nuclear scientists and defense institutions set to be rehabilitated internationally in the wake of the nuclear accord.”

The State Department added in its response that “our secondary sanctions will also stay in force, which means that foreign banks and companies could be exposed to sanctions if they engage in transactions with these listed individuals.”

Since Vahidi is not listed under any nuclear-related activities, the State Department said, he will remain on the Interpol list for eight more years.

Timerman, who is Jewish, in February asked Kerry to include the AMIA attack in the negotiations with Iran, but the attack was not part of the talks.

March of 2015:

Interpol won’t lift warrants for 6 Iranians in AMIA bombing

Arrest orders to remain active despite Tehran’s participation in probe of 1994 terror attack

The above position of not lifting the red notices has been declared null and void by Barack Obama as of January 16, 2016 in the larger mission of additional prisoner swaps.

VIENNA (AP) — The latest developments as Iran and world powers prepare to implement a landmark deal reached last year to curb Iran’s nuclear activities in exchange for the lifting of international sanctions (all times local).

5:30 p.m.

U.S. and Iranian officials say Iran is releasing four detained Iranian-Americans in exchange for seven Iranians held or charged in the United States.

The major diplomatic breakthrough was announced Saturday as the implementation of a landmark nuclear deal appeared imminent.

U.S. officials say the four Americans, including Washington Post reporter Jason Rezaian, former Marine Amir Hekmati and pastor Saeed Abidini, were to be flown from Iran to Switzerland on a Swiss plane and then brought to a U.S. military base in Landstuhl, Germany, for medical treatment.

In return, the U.S. will either pardon or drop charges against seven Iranians — six of whom are dual citizens — accused or convicted of violating U.S. sanctions. The U.S. will also drop Interpol “red notices” — essentially arrest warrants — on a handful of Iranian fugitives it has sought.

___

5:10 p.m.

There are conflicting reports about the identities of the four prisoners released by Iran.

Iranian state TV on Saturday announced that four prisoners holding dual Iranian-American citizenship were released, without elaborating. The announcement fueled speculation that Jason Rezaian, the jailed Washington Post bureau chief, was among them.

An official close to Iran’s judiciary told The Associated Press that the prisoners included Rezaian, former U.S. Marine Amir Hekmati and pastor Saeed Abedini. The official spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak to the media.

It was unclear who the fourth person was. Iranian state TV later reported it was Siamak Namazi, the son of a politician from the era of the shah, while the official IRNA news agency said it was Nosratollah Khosravi. The accounts could not be reconciled immediately.

— Ali Akbar Dareini in Tehran, Iran

4 p.m

A source close to Iran’s judiciary is telling The Associated Press that four Iranian-Americans have been freed from prison in Iran: Washington Post bureau chief Jason Rezaian as well as Amir Hekmati, Saeed Abedini and Siamak Namazi.

The source, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak to the media, said the four were freed Saturday in exchange for the release of seven Iranians held in U.S. prisons. He didn’t name the Iranians but said the seven have already arrived in Tehran.

He says “authorities at the top had agreed to free the four Iranian-Americans only after the Iranian prisoners land in Tehran.”

— Ali Akbar Dareini in Tehran

3:45 p.m.

A source close to Iran’s judiciary is confirming to The Associated Press that jailed Washington Post bureau chief Jason Rezaian is one of four dual-national prisoners freed today by Iran’s government.

Iranian state television announced the release of the four prisoners on Saturday but gave no names.

The source spoke on condition of anonymity since he was not authorized to publicly speak to the media.

— Ali Akbar Dareini in Tehran

3:30 p.m.

Iranian state television says the government has freed four dual-nationality prisoners.

The report Saturday did not identify the prisoners but it comes amid speculation that jailed Washington Post bureau chief Jason Rezaian, a dual Iran-U.S. citizen convicted of espionage in a closed-door trial in 2015, could be among them.

The report by the semi-official ISNA news agency quotes a statement from the Tehran prosecutor’s office as saying the inmates were freed “within the framework of exchanging prisoners,” without elaborating.

The U.S. would not immediately confirm the Iranian report. But the family of one of the U.S prisoners received unofficial word from Iran that their relative was being released today, according to a person close to that family.

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11:20 a.m.

The EU’s top diplomat has met with Iran’s foreign minister for talks on implementing the nuclear deal between Tehran and six world powers, as the U.N. atomic agency works on a report certifying that Iran has met its commitments under the accord.

U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry will join Federica Mogherini of the European Union and Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif in Vienna, the headquarters of the U.N’s International Atomic Energy Agency, later Saturday.

IAEA certification that Iran is honoring its obligations would trigger sanctions relief for Iran worth an estimated $100 billion.

Under the July 14 deal between Iran and six world powers, Tehran Iran agreed to crimp programs it could use to make nuclear weapons in return for an end to international nuclear-related sanctions

Iran says it has no interest in such arms.

___

11:15 a.m.

Iranian hard-liners are accusing moderate President Hassan Rouhani of “burying” the country’s nuclear program as Tehran and world powers are on the verge of implementing a historic nuclear accord.

Under the front-page headline “Nuclear Burial,” Hard-line daily Vatan-e-Emrooz on Saturday criticized the removal of the core of Iran’s only heavy water reactor, which was filled in with cement earlier this week as one of the final steps under the agreement.

The Javan daily says filling in the reactor is “hurting national pride.”

It says the Iranian people hope that the “bitterness of filling the Arak reactor with cement will be accompanied with the sweetness of filling their table,” referring to the lifting of crippling international sanctions.

Iran’s Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif earlier said that the imminent release of a U.N. compliance report would trigger “Implementation Day,” with Iran receiving billions in sanctions relief in return for limiting its nuclear activities.

___

10:40 a.m.

Iran’s foreign minister says an imminent compliance report by the U.N. nuclear agency will trigger the implementation of the historic nuclear accord reached with world powers last year, bringing a “good day” for Iran.

Mohammad Javad Zarif says the report will mark “Implementation Day,” when world powers provide Iran with billions of dollars in sanctions relief in exchange for it curbing its nuclear program.

Speaking in Vienna on Saturday, where he was to meet with U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry and top EU diplomat Federica Mogherini, Zarif called for greater cooperation to fight the “terrorism and extremism” that has engulfed the Middle East. His comments were broadcast on state TV.

******

WaPo: The full story of Jason Rezaian: On July 22, 2014, Iranian authorities crashed into the Tehran home of Washington Post Iran correspondent Jason Rezaian and arrested him and his wife, Yeganeh Salehi, also a journalist. Rezaian was taken to Iran’s infamous Evin Prison, where he was put in solitary confinement for months, without a word of explanation to his family or to the outside world. Salehi, an Iranian citizen, was released on bail last fall.

Iran has said it will release Post correspondent Jason Rezaian, according to Iranian media.

Along with Rezaian, three other detained Americans are being released in a swap for seven people imprisoned or charged by the United States.

Rezaian’s incarceration was the longest, by far, for a Western journalist in Iran since the 1979 revolution that brought Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini to power.

Throughout his captivity, the 39-year-old California native has been subjected to grueling interrogations and repeated deprivations, forced to stay for weeks in a bare cell without a mattress or even a toilet, family members said after they were allowed to speak with him.

Rezaian has been periodically deprived of medicine for his high blood pressure, family members said, and his physical condition has deteriorated, with dramatic weight loss, back pain and chronic eye and groin infections.

Top U.S. officials, including President Obama and Secretary of State John F. Kerry, have repeatedly demanded Rezaian’s release, echoing similar calls by other Western governments, human rights groups and Washington Post leadership, which has asserted the correspondent’s innocence.

July 25, 2014 : Iran confirms that Rezaian has been detained.

July 29, 2014: Wendy Sherman, undersecretary of state for political affairs, tells the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that the United States formally called for the immediate release of Rezaian, his wife and two other U.S. citizens detained the same night.

Aug. 6, 2014 : Iran’s deputy foreign minister, Hassan Ghashghavi, says the detention is “an internal matter” and says the country does not acknowledge Rezaian’s U.S. citizenship.

Aug. 20, 2014:A photojournalist who worked with Rezaian and Salehi and also was detained is released on bail.

Sept. 17, 2014: In an interview with NPR, Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif says Rezaian is “facing interrogation in Iran for what he has done as an Iranian citizen” but declines to name any crime. He says Iran’s judiciary “has no obligation to explain to the United States why it is detaining one of [Iran’s own] citizens.”

Douglas Jehl, The Post’s foreign editor, responds in a statement that Rezaian and his wife are “fully accredited journalists, and we remain mystified by their detention and deeply concerned about their welfare.”

Ali Rezaian, Jason’s older brother, says in a statement: “Neither I nor my mother have been permitted any communication with Jason. We remain concerned about their health and implore the Iranian authorities to release them in compliance with Iran’s existing laws and constitution.”

Oct. 5, 2014: Ali Rezaian says Salehi was released on bail during the previous week and was permitted one visit with her husband.

Dec. 6, 2014: After nearly five months of detention, Rezaian is charged after a 10-hour court proceeding that is closed to the public. He is denied legal representation and is accompanied by a government-appointed Farsi translator. He is denied bail.

Dec. 11, 2014: Mary Rezaian appears on video and pleads for her son’s release.

Jan. 14, 2015: Jason Rezaian’s case is transferred to a branch of the Revolutionary Court, which is closely aligned with Iranian intelligence services.

Feb. 1, 2015:Judge Abolghassem Salavati is picked to preside over the trial, according to the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran. He is one of six judges who are leading a crackdown on journalists and political activists in Iran, according to human rights groups. He formally charges Rezaian, then prohibits his chosen attorney from representing him.

Feb. 8, 2015: At a Munich Security Conference session, Washington Post columnist David Ignatius asks Zarif, the Iranian foreign minister, about Rezaian. “I hope that he will be cleared of the charges in a court of law,” Zarif answers, “and that will be a good day for me.”

Much more to his story is found here.

 

Obama Cool with Iran’s Aggressions

Unabated Hostility

Smith, WeeklyStandard: Early last Wednesday, Iran released the ten American sailors it had detained to coincide with President Obama’s State of the Union address Tuesday night. The administration understood clearly that the Iranians were both trying to ruin Obama’s victory lap and sending a message—on the eve of implementing the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action—that Tehran will be calling the shots. So Obama made no mention of Iran’s capturing 10 Americans during his speech: No way were the Iranians going to get a rise out of him on his day.

The administration would prefer to forget the incident entirely—along with a series of other hostile acts by Iran since the nuclear deal was signed in July. In addition to its customary “Death to America” rallies, in the last few months the Islamic Republic has sentenced, in secret, Washington Post journalist Jason Rezaian; imprisoned U.S. citizen Siamak Namazi; tested ballistic missiles, in violation of U.N. Security Council resolutions; fired rockets near a U.S. aircraft carrier in the Straits of Hormuz; and attacked two diplomatic missions belonging to longtime American ally Saudi Arabia. Detaining American sailors comports perfectly with this pattern.

Some American lawmakers aren’t willing to let it slide. Representative Mike Pompeo (R-Kan.) released a statement saying “we now must fully investigate Iran for possible violations of the Geneva Convention and ensure these sailors were treated properly.”

Pompeo is on solid ground. When the Iranians detained British sailors in 2007 and paraded them on television, Prime Minister Tony Blair rightly described it as a breach of the Geneva Conventions. Article 13 stipulates that “prisoners of war must at all times be protected, particularly against acts of violence or intimidation and against insults and public curiosity.” The first piece of evidence that the Iranians violated Geneva are the photographs and videos of the American sailors, especially those of them kneeling with their hands behind their heads, which were shown repeatedly in the Iranian media; further evidence is the coerced apology from the commanding officer.

It’s worth noting that Iran’s latest hostile action has given us a clearer picture of how the regime actually functions. As the event unfolded, CNN and other American media spoke of the “two Irans,” meaning the hardliners and the moderates. This has been the administration’s working theory, which holds that the former comprises the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. The “moderates” in this view are figures like President Hassan Rouhani and Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif. In this scenario, it was the “hardliners” who were responsible for detaining the 10 Americans, and it was thanks to the diplomatic channel that John Kerry opened with Zarif while negotiating the nuclear deal that the sailors were freed without much delay. This theory posits that the hardliners kidnapped the Americans in an effort to embarrass the moderates, who want warmer relations with the White House. Therefore, the fact that the moderates prevailed signals a great victory for moderation and American diplomacy—for “principled diplomacy,” to use Obama’s phrase.

This scenario may be possible, but it isn’t likely. If there really is a split in the regime, why would the hardliners put themselves in a position to lose an intra-regime battle against the moderates? It would show the world that they’re not only weaker than the moderates, they’re also weaker than the moderates’ new partners, John Kerry and Barack Obama. Indeed, if it was the moderates who liberated the sailors from the grip of the extremists, it means the supreme leader himself required them to free the Great Satan’s seamen. Which would mean that the supreme leader has sided with the moderates and the Americans against the extremists.

That’s a stretch, to say the least. What is far more likely is that there is no such split between moderates and hardliners. The two camps—if there are indeed two camps—work in tandem. The hardliners take prisoners and the moderates negotiate the price of their release. Iran’s moderates are a ministry of bagmen sent out to collect on behalf of the hard men.

In short, the regime with which the White House has negotiated the future of American national security is still a regime that takes Americans hostage. Unless you believe that hijacking a U.S. Navy boat, humiliating its crew, photographing them with their hands above their heads, and broadcasting their apologies on state television is a demonstration of peaceful, moderate intentions.

Who is Still Left at Gitmo, Names Provided

Of 93 detainees left at Gitmo, the Pentagon Press Secretary says 34 approved for transfer and 49 eligible for transfer review. 10 face criminal charges. By the way, the owner of this website, www.founderscode.com offers prayers and condolences to all those families who lost a warrior in the war on terror while capturing these detainees, including those sailors on the USS Cole.

Frankly, the whole mess of Ash Carter and the White House releasing these detainees is a political tragedy. Personally,  we should all call for the resignation of Ash Carter.

Who’s still held at Guantánamo

Here is a list of 93 detainees currently held at Guantánamo.

McClatchy Newspapers and the Miami Herald consulted court and other public records as well as sources in tandem with secret U.S. military intelligence summaries provided by WikiLeaks to determine who was still being held there.

Clicking on the name will take you to a U.S. intelligence profile provided to McClatchy Newspapers by Wikileaks, an assessment of each captive drawn up by the prison that their attorneys generally dispute.

In many cases, the summary also includes a photo of the detainee.

In January 2010, a federal, Obama administration task force sorted the detainees into separate categories, whose status we’ve incorporated into this list and are updating with decisions of the 2013 and 2014 Periodic Review Boards.

Of the 93 captives, 34 are approved for transfer in one fashion or another.

Of the 93 captives, 34 are approved for transfer in one fashion or another and 49 others are in a continue-to-detain status but have not been charged with a crime.

The last 10 captives have cases being handled through military commission proceedings — two through plea bargains and one who had been convicted of war crimes that were overturned although he is still held as a convict serving a life sentence.

Note: No intelligence summary was available for two men listed below because they were processed at the prison after the era that the WikiLeaks documents captured. In their place we provide links to the Defense Department news releases announcing their arrival at Guantánamo.

Spellings of names may vary from other documents, reports. So we’ve included the U.S Internment Serial Number, or ISN, along with a form of each captive’s name.

ISN27 Uthman Abdul Rahim Mohammed Uthman, Yemeni. He won his habeas corpus lawsuit on Feb. 24, 2010 but lost after the U.S. government appealed to the U.S. Appeals Court for the District of Columbia Circuit, which overturned the release order on March 29, 2011. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee, a forever prisoner.

ISN28 Moath al Alwi, Yemeni. A federal judge upheld his indefinite detention on Dec. 30, 2008, denying his habeas corpus petition. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee, a forever prisoner. A national security parole panel, called a Periodic Review Board, upheld that status on Oct. 26, 2015.

ISN29 Mohammed al-Ansi, Yemeni. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee, a forever prisoner.

ISN30 Ahmed al-Hikimi, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.

ISN31 Mahmud al-Mujahid, Yemeni, arrived the day the prison opened, Jan. 11, 2002. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee. But a national security parole panel, called a Periodic Review Board, lifted the “forever prisoner” designation and declared him approved for transfer, with security arrangements, Jan. 9, 2014.

ISN33 Mohammed al-Adahi, Yemeni. He won his habeas corpus lawsuit on Aug. 17, 2009 but lost when the government appealed the decision and the U.S. Appeals Court for the District of Columbia Circuit overturned the decision on July 13, 2010, and lost again at the federal court Aug. 7, 2014. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.

ISN37 Abdel Malik Abdel Wahab al Rahabi, Yemeni, arrived the day the prison opened, Jan. 11, 2002, as a suspected Osama bin Laden bodyguard. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee. A national security parole panel, called a Periodic Review Board, upheld that status on March 5, 2014 but a subsequent review cleared him for release on Dec. 5, 2014, if conditions permit. The board recommended that, if he is resettled in a third country, he be joined by his wife and daughter, who was born after his capture.

ISN38 Ridah Bin Saleh al Yazidi, Tunisian, arrived the day the prison opened, Jan. 11, 2002. An Obama administration task force in January 2010 designated him as cleared for release.

ISN39 Ali Hamza al Bahlul, Yemeni, arrived the day the prison opened, Jan. 11, 2002. A military commission convicted him of war crimes on Nov. 3, 2008 and sentenced him to life at Guantánamo for working as Osama bin Laden’s media secretary in Afghanistan. His Pentagon appellate attorneys systematically got that conviction overturned, although the military would say after the decision whether he remained segregated as a convict at Guantánamo’s Camp 5 Convict’s Corridor.

ISN40 Abdelqadir al-Mudhaffari, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.

ISN41 Majid Abdu Ahmed, Yemeni. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee, a forever prisoner.

ISN44 Mohammed Ghanem, Yemeni, arrived the day the prison opened, Jan. 11, 2002. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee, a forever prisoner.

ISN63 Mohammed al-Qahtani, Saudi. He was subjected to such cruel “enhanced interrogation techniques” at Guantánamo that a senior Pentagon official, Susan Crawford, told The Washington Post’s Bob Woodward that she concluded he was tortured in U.S. custody, and in May 2008 dropped charges against him alleging he was a co-conspirator in the Sept. 11 plot. He’s been at the Guantánamo prison since February 2002, according to leaked military documents. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial.

ISN91 Abdel al-Saleh, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.

ISN115 Abdul Rahman Salih Nasir, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.

ISN128 Ghaleb Nasser Bihani, Yemeni. A federal judge upheld his indefinite detention on Jan. 28, 2008, denying his habeas corpus petition, and a three-judge panel of the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit upheld that decision on Jan. 5, 2010. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee. But a national security parole panel, called a Periodic Review Board, lifted the “forever prisoner” designation and declared him approved for transfer, with security arrangements, on May 28, 2014.

ISN131 Salem bin Kanad, Yemeni who considers himself a Saudi. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee. A national security parole panel, called a Periodic Review Board, upheld that status on May 21, 2014.

ISN153 Fayiz Ahmad Yahia Suleiman, Yemeni. An Obama administration task force in January 2010 designated him as cleared for release.

ISN167 Ali Yahya Mahdi Abdo, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.

ISN178 Tariq Ba Odah, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.

ISN189 Falen Gherebi, also called Rafdat Muhammad Faqi Aljj-Saqqaf, a Libyan. An Obama administration task force in January 2010 designated him as cleared for release.

ISN223 Abd al-Rahman Abdu Abu Ghayth Sulayman, Yemeni. A federal judge upheld his indefinite detention on July 20, 2010, denying his habeas corpus petition. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.

ISN235 Saeed Ahmed Mohammed Abdullah Serem Jarabh, Yemeni. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee. But a national security parole panel, called a Periodic Review Board, lifted the “forever prisoner” designation and declared him approved for transfer, with security arrangements, March 5, 2015.

ISN240 Abdullah Yahia Yusif al Shibli, Saudi-born Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.

ISN242 Khalid Ahmad Qasim, Yemeni. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.

ISN244 Abdul Latif Nasir, Moroccan. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.

ISN249 Muhammad Abdullah Muhammad al-Hamiri, Yemeni. An Obama administration task force in January 2010 designated him as cleared for release.

ISN257 Umar Bin Hamza Abdulayev, Tajik. Cleared for release through both Bush and Obama administration review processes, his lawyer notified the federal court that he fears for his life if repatriated. If a third country can’t be found to resettle him safely, he says, he’d rather spend his life in U.S. detention.

ISN309 Muieen Adeen al-Sattar, born in the United Arab Emirates. An Obama administration task force in January 2010 designated him as cleared for release.

ISN321 Ahmed Yaslam Saijid Kuman, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.

ISN324 Mashoor al Sabri, Yemeni. A federal judge upheld his indefinite detention Feb. 3, 2011, denying his habeas corpus petition. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee. But a national security parole panel, called a Periodic Review Board , lifted the “forever prisoner” designation and declared him approved for transfer, with security arrangements, April 17, 2015.

ISN434 Mustafa Abdul Qowi Abdul al-Shamiri, Yemeni. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.

ISN440 Mohammed Ali Fowza, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.

ISN441 Mansoor Abdul Rahman al Dayfi, Yemeni. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee. But a national security parole panel, called a Periodic Review Board, lifted the “forever prisoner” designation and declared him approved for resettlement, with security arrangements, on Oct. 28, 2015.

ISN461 Abd Al-Rahman Mohammed Al-Taty, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.

ISN498 Muhammad Ahmad Said Haydar, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.

ISN508 Salman Yahya Hassan Muhammad Rabeii, Yemeni. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.

ISN509 Muhammad Nasir Yahya Khusruf, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.

ISN522 Yassim Qasim Muhammad Ismail Qasim, Yemeni. A federal judge upheld his indefinite detention April 8, 2010, denying his habeas corpus petition, and a three-judge panel of the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit upheld that decision on April 8, 2011. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.

ISN535 Tariq Mahmud Ahmad el Sawah, Egyptian. In 2008, a Bush administration era Pentagon prosecutor swore out conspiracy and providing material support for terrorism military commissions charges for allegedly serving as an al Qaeda explosives expert in a now defunct version of the military commissions. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial. Subsequently, the war court’s chief prosecutor declared the material support charge no longer viable. Internal Defense Department documents showed that in late 2014 he was still considered a candidate for a war crimes trial. But on Feb. 12, 2015, a national security parole panel, called a Periodic Review Board declared him approved for transfer, “with appropriate support, including medical care” and security assurances.

ISN550 Walid Said Bin Said Zaid, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.

ISN560 Hajawali Mohmad, Afghan. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.

ISN566 Masour Mohamed Mutaya Ali, Saudi-born Yemeni. An Obama administration task force in January 2010 designated him as cleared for release.

ISN569 Suhail Abdo Anam Shorabi, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial. He’s never been charged with a crime.

ISN576 Zahir Omar Hamis Bin Hamdoun, Yemeni. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.

ISN578 Abdul Aziz al-Suwedy, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.

ISN682 Ghassan al-Sharbi, Saudi. During the Bush administration he was designated for trial by a now defunct version of the military commissions using a crime, providing material support for terror, that the war court prosecutor considers no longer viable. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial.

ISN685 Abdul Razak Ali, Algerian. A federal judge upheld his indefinite detention as June 23, 2011, denying the habeas corpus petition of this Taliban government media spokesman, governor and Cabinet minister. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial. He’s never been charged with a crime.

ISN694 Sufiyan Barhoumi, Algerian. During the Bush administration he was designated for trial by a now defunct version of the military commissions. A federal judge upheld his indefinite detention on Sept. 3, 2009, denying his habeas corpus petition, and a three-judge panel of the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit upheld that decision detention on Jun. 22, 2010. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial.

ISN695 Omar Mohammed Khalif, Libyan. A federal judge upheld his indefinite detention May 28, 2010, denying his habeas corpus petition. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee. But a national security parole panel, called a Periodic Review Board, lifted the “forever prisoner” designation and declared him approved for transfer, with security arrangements, Aug. 20, 2015.

ISN696 Jubran Qahtani, Saudi. During the Bush administration he was designated for trial by a now defunct version of the military commissions using a crime, providing material support for terror, that the war court prosecutor considers no longer viable. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial.

ISN702 Ravil Mingazov, Russian. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial. He’s never been charged with a crime. He won his habeas corpus lawsuit on May 13, 2010. The U.S. government appealed to the U.S. Appeals Court for the District of Columbia Circuit, which in 2012 sent the habeas petition back to the U.S. District Court in Washington, D.C., for reconsideration. The case hasn’t been re-heard. His story has garnered more attention in the United States than many Guantánamo captive, in part because of offers by communities in western Massachusetts and Berkeley, Calif., to offer him asylum resettlement, were U.S. law to allow it.

ISN708 Ismael Ali Faraj al Bakush, Libyan. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.

ISN728 Abdul Muhammad Ahmad Nassir al-Muhajari, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.

ISN753 Abdul Zahir, Afghan. In 2006, the Bush administration designated him for trial by military commissions in charges the Obama administration had dismissed without prejudice. Charges included attacking civilians, aiding the enemy and conspiracy for allegedly attacking a civilian vehicle, injuring three journalists, and supporting the Taliban and al Qaeda forces in hostilities against coalition forces in Afghanistan. Internal Defense Department documents showed that in late 2014 he was still considered a candidate for a war crimes trial. His lawyer is arguing in federal court that, with combat over in Afghanistan he should be released.

ISN760 Mohamedou Ould Slahi, a Mauritanian who got to Guantánamo Aug. 5, 2002. He won his habeas corpus lawsuit on March 22, 2010 but the U.S. government appealed to the U.S. Appeals Court for the District of Columbia Circuit, which on Nov. 5, 2010 ordered the lower court to review his detention with a different standard. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial. He’s never been charged with a crime. Little, Brown, the U.S. publishing house, released his memoirs based on declassified accounts written at the prison in southeast Cuba. Written in English, the book “Guantánamo Diary” was translated into about two dozen languages and distributed in that many countries.

ISN762 Obaidullah, Afghan. During the Bush administration he was designated for trial by a now defunct version of the military commissions. Attorney General Eric Holder has also approved his trial by the new revamped military commission. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial. A federal judge upheld his indefinite detention Oct. 19, 2010. His lawyer is arguing in federal court that, with combat over in Afghanistan he should be released.

ISN768 Ahmed Muhammed Haza al Darbi, Saudi. He pleaded guilty to terror charges Feb. 20, 2014 as an accomplice in the 2002 terrorist attack against the French oil tanker, MV Limburg, carried out while Darbi was already at Guantánamo. He agreed to testify at the war court in exchange for return to a Saudi prison in 2018 and a maximum 15-year sentence begun Feb. 20, 2014.

ISN836 Ayub Murshid Ali Salih, Yemeni who got to Guantánamo Oct. 28, 2002. A chart accompanying the so-called Senate Intelligence Committee ‘Torture Report’ indicates he was held by the CIA for 30 days or more, apparently separate and apart from his military detention. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.

ISN837 Bashir Nasir Ali al-Marwalah, Yemeni who got to Guantánamo Oct. 28, 2002. A chart accompanying the so-called Senate Intelligence Committee ‘Torture Report’ indicates he was held by the CIA for 30 days or more, apparently separate and apart from his military detention. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.

ISN838 Shawqi Awad Balzuhair, Yemeni who got to Guantánamo Oct. 28, 2002. A chart accompanying the so-called Senate Intelligence Committee ‘Torture Report’ indicates he was held by the CIA for 30 days or more, apparently separate and apart from his military detention. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.

ISN839 Mussab Omar Ali al-Madhwani, Yemeni who got to Guantánamo Oct. 28, 2002. A chart accompanying the so-called Senate Intelligence Committee ‘Torture Report’ indicates he was held by the CIA for 30 days or more, apparently separate and apart from his military detention. A federal judge upheld his indefinite detention on Dec. 14, 2009, denying his habeas corpus petition., and a three-judge panel of the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit upheld his indefinite detention on May 27, 2011. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.

ISN840 Hayil al-Mithali, Yemeni who got to Guantánamo Oct. 28, 2002. A chart accompanying the so-called Senate Intelligence Committee ‘Torture Report’ indicates he was held by the CIA for 30 days or more, apparently separate and apart from his military detention. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.

ISN841 Said Salih Said, Yemeni who got to Guantánamo Oct. 28, 2002. A chart accompanying the so-called Senate Intelligence Committee ‘Torture Report’ indicates he was held by the CIA for 30 days or more, apparently separate and apart from his military detention. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.

ISN893 Tawfiq Nassar al-Bihani, Yemeni who got to Guantánamo Feb. 6, 2003. A federal judge upheld his indefinite detention on Sept. 22, 2010, denying his habeas corpus petition. A list included in the so-called Senate Intelligence Committee ‘Torture Report’ indicates he was held by the CIA for 50 days or more, apparently separate and apart from his military detention. His brother, Ghaleb, is ISN 128, also lost his unlawful detention case. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.

ISN975 Bostan Karim, Afghan. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee. His lawyer is arguing in federal court that, with combat over in Afghanistan he should be released.

ISN1017 Omar Mohammed Ali al-Rammah, Yemeni. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.

ISN1045 Mohammed Kamin, Afghan. During the Bush administration, he was designated for trial by military commission. The Obama administration considered the case and in 2010 put him in the category of “Law of War detainee,” a forever prisoner, until the Periodic Review Board concluded in September 2015 that he can be released. His lawyer had argued in federal court that, with combat over in Afghanistan, he should be released.

ISN1094 Saifullah A. Paracha, Pakistan who got to Guantánamo Sept. 19, 2004. A former U.S. green card holder, he is also the eldest of the Guantánamo detainees, according to leaked detention center records. The U.S. Senate Intelligence Commitee ‘Torture Report’ says he was captured July 5, 2003 in an FBI orchestrated operation and while the CIA wanted to take custody of him and interrogated him with so-called enhanced interrogation techniques, the proposal was rejected. He was born in Aug. 17, 1947, and has a history of coronary artery disease. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial. He’s never been charged with a crime.

ISN1119 Haji Hamidullah, Afghan. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee. His lawyer is arguing in federal court that, with combat over in Afghanistan he should be released.

ISN1453 Sanad Yislam al-Kazimi, Yemeni who got to Guantánamo Sept. 19, 2004. A chart accompanying the so-called Senate Intelligence Committee ‘Torture Report’ indicates he was held by the CIA for 270 days or more, apparently separate and apart from his military detention. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial. He’s never been charged with a crime but internal Defense Department documents showed that in late 2014 he was still considered a candidate for a war crimes trial.

ISN1456 Hassan Ali Bin Attash,Yemeni who got to Guantánamo Sept. 19, 2004. According to leaked military records, he is the youngest of the current detainees. He is also the brother of high-value detainee Walid Bin Attash, held in a different camp. His lawyer says they’ve never seen each other at Guantánamo. A chart accompanying the so-called Senate Intelligence Committee ‘Torture Report’ indicates he was held by the CIA for 120 days or more, apparently separate and apart from his military detention. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial. He’s never been charged with a crime.

ISN1457 Abdu Ali Sharqawi, Yemeni known as Riyadh the Facilitator who got to Guantánamo Sept. 19, 2004. A chart accompanying the so-called Senate Intelligence Committee ‘Torture Report’ indicates he was held by the CIA for 120 days or more, apparently separate and apart from his military detention. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial. He’s never been charged with a crime but internal Defense Department documents showed that in late 2014 he was still considered a candidate for a war crimes trial.

ISN1460 Abdul Rahim Gulam Rabbani, Saudi-born Pakistani who got to Guantánamo Sept. 19, 2004. A chart accompanying the so-called Senate Intelligence Committee ‘Torture Report’ indicates he was held by the CIA for 550 days or more, apparently separate and apart from his military detention. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial. He’s never been charged with a crime.

ISN1461 Ahmed Ghulam Rabbani, Saudi-born Pakistani who got to Guantánamo Sept. 19, 2004. A chart accompanying the so-called Senate Intelligence Committee ‘Torture Report’ indicates he was held by the CIA for 550 days or more, apparently separate and apart from his military detention. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial. He’s never been charged with a crime.

ISN1463 Abdulsalam al Hela, Yemeni who got to Guantánamo Sept. 19, 2004. A chart accompanying the so-called Senate Intelligence Committee ‘Torture Report’ indicates he was held by the CIA for 590 days or more, apparently separate and apart from his military detention. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.

ISN3148 Harun al Afghani, Afghan. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial. He’s never been charged with a crime.

ISN10011 Mustafa Ahmad al-Hawsawi, Saudi who’s charged in death-penalty proceedings by military commission as an alleged co-conspirator in the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks. The ICRC says Pakistani authorities arrested him March 1, 2003 in Rawalpindi, Pakistan. As a former CIA “black site” captive who was taken to Guantánamo in September 2006, he is held in a secret prison where the Pentagon segregates so-called high-value detainees. Hear him speak to a military panel at Guantánamo in March 2007. Transcript here.

ISN10013 Ramzi bin al Shibh, Yemeni who’s charged in death-penalty proceedings by military commission as an alleged co-conspirator in the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks. The ICRC says Pakistani authorities arrested him Sept. 11, 2002 in Karachi, Pakistan. As a former CIA “black site” captive who was taken to Guantánamo in September 2006, he is held in a secret prison where the Pentagon segregates so-called high-value detainees. The so-called Senate Intelligence Committee ‘’Torture Report’ also says he was held previously at Guantánamo from September 2003 into April 2004. He went before a military panel at Guantánamo in March 2007 but chose to say nothing. You can hear it or read the transcript here.

ISN10014 Walid bin Attash, Yemeni who’s charged in death-penalty proceedings by military commission as an alleged co-conspirator in the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks. The ICRC says Pakistani authorities arrested him on April 29, 2003 in Karachi, Pakistan. As a former CIA “black site” captive who was taken to Guantánamo in September 2006, he is held in a secret prison where the Pentagon segregates so-called high-value detainees. Hear him speak to a military panel at Guantánamo in March 2007. Transcript here.

ISN10015 Abd al-Rahim al-Nashiri, Saudi who’s charged in death-penalty proceedings by military commission as an alleged conspirator in the October 2000 al Qaeda suicide bombing of the USS Cole off Aden, Yemen. The ICRC says he was arrested in October 2002 in Dubai, the United Arab Emirates. The so-called Senate Intelligence Committee “Torture Report” also says he was held previously at Guantánamo from September 2003 into April 2004. As a former CIA “black site” captive who was taken to Guantánamo in September 2006, he is held in a secret prison where the Pentagon segregates so-called high-value detainees. Hear him speak to a military panel at Guantánamo in March 2007. Transcript here.

ISN10016 Zayn al Abdeen Mohammed al Hussein, Palestinian known as Abu Zubaydah. The ICRC says he was arrested March 28, 2002 in Faisalabad, Pakistan. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial but he’s never been charged with a crime. Hear him speak to a military panel at Guantánamo in March 2007. Transcript here.

ISN10017 Mustafa Abu Faraj al Libi, Libyan. The ICRC says Pakistani authorities arrested him on May 2, 2005 in Mardan, Pakistan. As a former CIA “black site” captive who was taken to Guantánamo in September 2006, he is held in a secret prison where the Pentagon segregates so-called high-value detainees. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial but he’s never been charged with a crime.

ISN10018 Ammar al-Baluchi, Pakistani who’s charged in death-penalty proceedings by military commission as an alleged co-conspirator in the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks. The ICRC says Pakistani authorities arrested him on April 29, 2003 in Karachi, Pakistan. As a former CIA “black site” captive who was taken to Guantánamo in September 2006, he is held in a secret prison where the Pentagon segregates so-called high-value detainees.

ISN10019 Riduan Isomuddin, Indonesian known as Hambali. The ICRC says he was arrested Aug. 11, 2003 in Bangkok, Thailand. As a former CIA “black site” captive who was taken to Guantánamo in September 2006, he is held in a secret prison where the Pentagon segregates so-called high-value detainees. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial but he’s never been charged with a crime. Internal Defense Department documents showed that in late 2014 he was still considered a candidate for a war crimes trial.

ISN10020 Majid Khan, Pakistani. The International Red Cross says this Baltimore area educated man was arrested March 5, 2003 in Karachi, Pakistan. As a former CIA “black site” captive, he was taken to Guantánamo in September 2006 and held in a secret prison where the Pentagon segregates so-called high-value detainees. He turned government witness and pleaded guilty to war crimes Feb. 29, 2012, and is held in a separate secret site for cooperating ex-CIA captive witnesses at Guantánamo. There is currently no other. Hear him speak to a military panel at Guantánamo in March 2007. Transcript here.

ISN10021 Mohd Farik Bin Amin, Malaysian known as Zubair. The ICRC says he was arrested June 8, 2003 in Bangkok, Thailand. As a former CIA “black site” captive who was taken to Guantánamo in September 2006, he is held in a secret prison where the Pentagon segregates so-called high-value detainees. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial but he’s never been charged with a crime. Internal Defense Department documents showed that in late 2014 he was still considered a candidate for a war crimes trial.

ISN10022 Bashir Lap, Malaysian known as Lilie. The ICRC says he was arrested Aug. 11, 2003 in Bangkok, Thailand. As a former CIA “black site” captive who was taken to Guantánamo in September 2006, he is held in a secret prison where the Pentagon segregates so-called high-value detainees. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial but he’s never been charged with a crime. Internal Defense Department documents showed that in late 2014 he was still considered a candidate for a war crimes trial.

ISN10023 Hassan Guleed, Somali. The ICRC says he was arrested March 4, 2004 in Djibouti. As a former CIA “black site” captive who was taken to Guantánamo in September 2006, he is held in a secret prison where the Pentagon segregates so-called high-value detainees. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee, a forever prisoner.

ISN10024 Khalid Sheik Mohammad, Pakistani who’s charged in death-penalty proceedings by military commission as the alleged mastermind in the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks. The ICRC says Pakistani authorities arrested him March 1, 2003 in Rawalpindi, Pakistan. As a former CIA “black site” captive who was taken to Guantánamo in September 2006, he is held in a secret prison where the Pentagon segregates so-called high-value detainees.

ISN10025 Abdul Malik, Kenyan. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee, a forever prisoner.

ISN10026 Abd al Hadi al Iraqi, Iraqi. The Pentagon announced that this former CIA captive was taken to Guantánamo on April 27, 2007. He is held in a secret prison where the Pentagon segregates so-called high-value detainees. He was arraigned June 18 and faces non-capital charges at the war court alleging he was commander of al-Qaida’s army between 2002 and 2004. If convicted, could be punished with a maximum of life in prison. No trial date has been set yet.

ISN10029 Muhammad Rahim al-Afghani, Afghan. The Pentagon announced that this former CIA captive was taken to Guantánamo on March 14, 2008. He is held in a secret prison where the Pentagon segregates so-called high-value detainees. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee, a forever prisoner.


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