Jeh Johnson Fighting Deposition

In Tampa back in 2012, there was a scandal brewing that led to an FBI investigation, some compromising emails, generals and some women. In the end, James Clapper called General Petraeus and told him to resign. But the story does not end there.

Another lawsuit is in the pipeline.

Feds fight Jeh Johnson testimony in Petraeus-related lawsuit

From Politico:

The Justice Department is fighting an effort to force Homeland Security Secretary Jeh Johnson to give a deposition in a privacy invasion lawsuit a Florida woman has filed over the federal government’s handling of the investigation into former CIA Director David Petraeus.

Lawyers for Jill Kelley subpoenaed Johnson to testify about his knowledge of a complex inquiry that unfolded after Kelley complained to the FBI in 2012 that someone was sending derogatory statements and threats about her to various of her associates, including Marine Gen. John Allen and Petraeus, and seemed aware of private details about their schedules.

The probe revealed an extramarital relationship between Petraeus and his biographer, Paula Broadwell. That discovery led to Petraeus’s resignation shortly after the 2012 elections. However, in a lawsuit filed in 2013 Kelley alleged that the FBI and the Defense Department leaked personal information about her to the media, including suggestions that she had a sexual relationship with Allen. Kelley has adamantly denied any impropriety.

Johnson was the Defense Department’s general counsel at the time and played a key role in managing the agency’s response. But in a court filing Thursday evening (posted here), government lawyers argue that as a busy cabinet member Johnson should simply be required to answer written questions in the lawsuit and not be subjected to the videotaped depositions most witnesses face.

“Presently, as the head of the Department of Homeland Security, the third largest cabinet-level agency, Secretary Johnson oversees more than 240,000 federal employees. He holds ultimate responsibility for DHS’s mission, which includes preventing terrorism and enhancing national security; managing the borders of the United States; administering immigration laws; securing cyberspace; and ensuring disaster resilience,” the Justice Department argues. “Owing to these responsibilities and the incredible demands they impose on the Secretary’s time and resources, defendants informed plaintiffs that they object to Secretary Johnson’s deposition absent a clear and convincing showing that he possesses unique, non-privileged, relevant information that cannot be obtained through other means.”

The court filing also reveals that lawyers for Kelley have already obtained records of at least one journalist’s communications with Johnson about the Petraeus investigation. In an email sent to U.S. District Court Judge Amy Berman Jackson and attached to the filing, Kelley lawyer Alan Raul said he wants to question Johnson about a Kelley-related email Daily Beast reporter Dan Klaidman sent to Johnson on his personal gmail account in November 2012.

Raul also wants to ask about “Mr. Johnson’s responses and/or prior communications to or from Mr. Klaidman, who addressed him as ‘Jeh’ and to whom it appears he subsequently granted an ‘exclusive’ story about his nomination as DHS Secretary.”

Klaidman—now an editor at Yahoo News—declined to comment.

Kelley’s lawyers also want to question Johnson about the identity of anonymous sources described as “senior defense officials” or “senior military officials” who discussed the investigation with journalists at around the same time. Raul pointed to articles from the Associated Press, USA Today and Washington Post as ones of particular focus. Kelley’s team is also asking for information on Johnson’s contact with Tampa Tribune reporter Howard Altman and for information on who at the Department of Defense may have spoken with one or more reporters for ABC News about Kelley.

It’s possible the journalists themselves could face demands to testify in the case, but that does not appear to have happened yet.

The Justice Department filing does disclose that the government has agreed to make three former senior officials available for depositions in the suit: former Defense Secretary Leon Panetta for a two-hour session, Panetta’s former chief of staff Jeremy Bash for a four-hour session and former Defense Department public affairs chief George Little for a seven-hour session.

Kelley’s lawyers face an uphill battle in trying to force a sitting Cabinet member like Johnson into a deposition. Last year, another federal judge in Washington ordered Agriculture Secretary Tom Vilsack to appear at a deposition in lawsuit brought by fired Ag Department employee Shirley Sherrod, but an appeals court issued an unusual order blocking the deposition.

The government also has one more argument in the current dispute: Johnson is a lawyer, so at least some of his actions on the Petraeus/Kelley matter may have been covered by attorney-client privilege or protection for attorney “work product.”

Johnson was originally subpoenaed to appear for his deposition on Friday, but the session has been postponed until Jackson rules on the dispute.

In April, Petraeus pleaded guilty to a change of mishandling classified information by sharing classified briefing books with Broadwell and maintaining classified information at his home after he was required to turn it in. He was sentenced to two years probation and a $100,000 fine.

The FBI also investigated Broadwell in connection with the episode. No charges have been filed. The status of that inquiry is unclear.

 

Welfare Use by Immigrant Households with Children

Some studies speak for themselves. This one is chilling. It demonstrates failure, lack of control and management as well as a continued monetary magnet that wont soon or ever go away.

 

A Look at Cash, Medicaid, Housing, and Food Programs

by: The Center for Immigration Studies

Thirteen years after welfare reform, the share of immigrant-headed households (legal and illegal) with a child (under age 18) using at least one welfare program continues to be very high. This is partly due to the large share of immigrants with low levels of education and their resulting low incomes — not their legal status or an unwillingness to work. The major welfare programs examined in this report include cash assistance, food assistance, Medicaid, and public and subsidized housing.

Among the findings:

  • In 2009 (based on data collected in 2010), 57 percent of households headed by an immigrant (legal and illegal) with children (under 18) used at least one welfare program, compared to 39 percent for native households with children.
  • Immigrant households’ use of welfare tends to be much higher than natives for food assistance programs and Medicaid. Their use of cash and housing programs tends to be similar to native households.
  • A large share of the welfare used by immigrant households with children is received on behalf of their U.S.-born children, who are American citizens. But even households with children comprised entirely of immigrants (no U.S.-born children) still had a welfare use rate of 56 percent in 2009.
  • Immigrant households with children used welfare programs at consistently higher rates than natives, even before the current recession. In 2001, 50 percent of all immigrant households with children used at least one welfare program, compared to 32 percent for natives.
  • Households with children with the highest welfare use rates are those headed by immigrants from the Dominican Republic (82 percent), Mexico and Guatemala (75 percent), and Ecuador (70 percent). Those with the lowest use rates are from the United Kingdom (7 percent), India (19 percent), Canada (23 percent), and Korea (25 percent).
  • The states where immigrant households with children have the highest welfare use rates are Arizona (62 percent); Texas, California, and New York (61 percent); Pennsylvania (59 percent); Minnesota and Oregon (56 percent); and Colorado (55 percent).
  • We estimate that 52 percent of households with children headed by legal immigrants used at least one welfare program in 2009, compared to 71 percent for illegal immigrant households with children. Illegal immigrants generally receive benefits on behalf of their U.S.-born children.
  • Illegal immigrant households with children primarily use food assistance and Medicaid, making almost no use of cash or housing assistance. In contrast, legal immigrant households tend to have relatively high use rates for every type of program.
  • High welfare use by immigrant-headed households with children is partly explained by the low education level of many immigrants. Of households headed by an immigrant who has not graduated high school, 80 percent access the welfare system, compared to 25 percent for those headed by an immigrant who has at least a bachelor’s degree.
  • An unwillingness to work is not the reason immigrant welfare use is high. The vast majority (95 percent) of immigrant households with children had at least one worker in 2009. But their low education levels mean that more than half of these working immigrant households with children still accessed the welfare system during 2009.
  • If we exclude the primary refugee-sending countries, the share of immigrant households with children using at least one welfare program is still 57 percent.
  • Welfare use tends to be high for both new arrivals and established residents. In 2009, 60 percent of households with children headed by an immigrant who arrived in 2000 or later used at least one welfare program; for households headed by immigrants who arrived before 2000 it was 55 percent.
  • For all households (those with and without children), the use rates were 37 percent for households headed by immigrants and 22 percent for those headed by natives.
  • Although most new legal immigrants are barred from using some welfare for the first five years, this provision has only a modest impact on household use rates because most immigrants have been in the United States for longer than five years; the ban only applies to some programs; some states provide welfare to new immigrants with their own money; by becoming citizens immigrants become eligible for all welfare programs; and perhaps most importantly, the U.S.-born children of immigrants (including those born to illegal immigrants) are automatically awarded American citizenship and are therefore eligible for all welfare programs at birth.
  • The eight major welfare programs examined in this report are SSI (Supplemental Security Income for low income elderly and disabled), TANF (Temporary Assistance to Needy Families), WIC (Women, Infants, and Children food program), free/reduced school lunch, food stamps (Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program), Medicaid (health insurance for those with low incomes), public housing, and rent subsidies.

Introduction

Concern that immigrants may become a burden on society has been a long-standing issue in the United States. As far back as colonial times there were restrictions on the arrival of people who might become a burden on the community. This report analyzes survey data collected by the Census Bureau from 2002 to 2009 to examine use of welfare programs by immigrant and native households, particularly those with children. The Current Population Survey (CPS) asks respondents about their use of welfare programs in the year prior to the survey,1 so we are examining self-reported welfare use rates from 2001 to 2009. The findings show that more than half of immigrant-headed households with children use at least one major welfare program, compared to about one-third of native-headed households. The primary reason immigrant households with children tend to have higher overall rates is their much higher use of food assistance programs and Medicaid; use of cash assistance and housing programs tends to be very similar to native households.

Why Study Immigrant Welfare Use?

Use of welfare programs by immigrants is important for two primary reasons. First, it is one measure of their impact on American society. If immigrants have high use rates it could be an indication that they are creating a net fiscal burden for the country. Welfare programs comprise a significant share of federal, and even state, expenditures. Total costs for the programs examined in this study were $517 billion in fiscal year 2008.2 Moreover, those who receive welfare tend to pay little or no income tax. If use of welfare programs is considered a problem and if immigrant use of those programs is thought to be high, then it is an indication that immigration or immigrant policy needs to be a adjusted. Immigration policy is concerned with the number of immigrants allowed into the country and the selection criteria used for admission. It is also concerned with the level of resources devoted to controlling illegal immigration. Immigrant policy, on the other hand, is concerned with how we treat immigrants who are legally admitted to the country, such as welfare eligibility, citizenship requirements, and assimilation efforts.

The second reason to examine welfare use is that it can provide insight into how immigrants are doing in the United States. Accessing welfare programs can be seen as an indication that immigrants are having a difficult time in the United States. Or perhaps that some immigrants are assimilating into the welfare system. Thus, welfare use is both a good way of measuring immigration’s impact on American society and immigrants’ adaptation to life in the United States.

Read on if you dare by clicking here.

Hillary DID have Accomplishments at State Dept

Sheesh, it is true she did have many accomplishments but they are not the successes she would use for boasting.

She raised lots of money for the Clinton Foundation, she opened the pathway for Russia to control up to 50% of the uranium output of the United States and she was complicit is the death of four dead Americans.

Her best achievements at State was obstruction and cover-ups.

Sexual harassment complaints at State Department soar under Clinton, Kerry

In part from the Washington Times:

In a disclosure with political implications for 2016, the State Department’s chief watchdog reported Thursday that worker harassment complaints have nearly tripled inside the agency during the tenures of Hillary Clinton and John Kerry but the agency still doesn’t have mandatory training for all employees.

“A significant increase in reported harassment inquiries in the Department of State over the past few fiscal years supports the need for mandatory harassment training,” the department’s inspector general warned in a new oversight report that reviewed the agency’s civil rights office.

The report states that formal harassment claims rose from 88 cases in 2011 during Mrs. Clinton’s third year as America’s top diplomat, to 248 in 2014, Mr. Kerry’s second year as secretary. Hundreds more informal complaints were lodged during the same period.

Last year, 43 percent of the new complaints alleged harassment or unfair hirings or promotions while 38 percent raised sex discrimination or reprisals, the report said.

The report said some of the increases could be attributed to growing knowledge among employees about sexual harassment issues and the procedures for reporting it.

The inspector general said the Office of Civil Rights has made strides in improving the quality, speed and quantity of its work in recent years but that performance issues remains, such as a need to rebalance workloads, reassess positions and complete delinquent performance evaluations. The office has two civil rights complaints pending against itself, it added. More sordid details are here.

Hold on there is more….and personally I read the emails in Wikileaks a few years ago.

Records suggest Hillary chief of staff blocked probe of ambassador nominee

From the Washington Examiner:

 Top State Department staff under Hillary Clinton allegedly blocked an  investigation into the president’s nominee for ambassador to Iraq.

The ambassador-designate, Brett McGurk, was accused of engaging in inappropriate behavior with a reporter from the Wall Street Journal and funneling her information he was not authorized to disclose.

McGurk withdrew his name from consideration for the ambassadorship in the face of a growing scandal over emails that revealed his extra-marital affair with the reporter, Gina Chon. His relationship with the journalist prompted concerns among Republican lawmakers, although the extent of the internal cover-up of his conduct was not then known.

McGurk is presently one of President Obama’s key advisers on the Islamic State, having survived the scandal in 2012 with the help of higher-ups in the Bureau of Diplomatic Security.

“There were rumors inside the State Department that the investigation into McGurk’s actions in Iraq was squashed at the very highest levels,” Van Buren told the Washington Examiner.

Van Buren retired from the State Department in 2012 after a lengthy legal battle with the State Department over whistleblower disclosures he made in a book about his time in Iraq with the agency from 2009 to 2010.

During his nearly quarter-century at the State Department, Van Buren said he saw a variety of management styles from the secretary’s office as agency leadership shifted.

“I think what a lot of State Department people felt was that previous secretaries were focused more on protecting the institution and, by extension, themselves,” he said. “Whereas the Clinton people were 90 percent concerned about protecting Hillary and maybe 10 percent concerned about protecting the institution.”

Although the investigation was eventually closed in July 2013, speculation that he was about to be named to another high-level position involving Iraq began swirling months earlier.

McGurk is presently Deputy Special Presidential Envoy for the Global Coalition to Counter ISIL.

His high-profile role puts him at the forefront of the conflict with the Islamic State. For example, he appeared on NBC’s “Meet the Press” Sunday to announce the government’s intention to equip tribal fighters in Iraq to support their fight against the Islamic State.

McGurk’s affair with Chon, to whom he is now married, became the subject of public scrutiny after a 2012 “computer hacking incident” in Baghdad resulted in the publication of racy emails back and forth between the two while he was in line to be the next ambassador to Iraq.

The leaked emails suggested at the time the two had a sexual relationship. But they also suggested the ambassador-designate may have given sensitive information to the reporter.

The communications show McGurk asked Chon to text him on his Blackberry because texting was a “better way to engage in sensitive deliberations” than emailing from his government address.

Several messages between McGurk and the Journal reporter suggested he used his position to provide Chon with access to Iraqi sources. Yes, there are more details on this one too.

In case that is not enough on the details of Iraq, Blackberry phones, emails and more….click here.

 

 

 

 

The Inner Circle of the Hillary Cover-Up Machine

When it comes to Hillary’s claim on classified material in her emails, her honesty is now being challenged in earnest. Particular emails of interest are found here.

American Bridge has operatives that are dispatched to follow any and all republicans around the country, regardless of who they are to track each word spoken by the politician and the locations as well. Then American Bridge hooks up with Media Matters and other liberal online media sources and publishes twisted versions of events. It is interesting to note that Rodell Mollineau is the treasurer of American Bridge and :

Rodell Mollineau past relationships:

Paying Too Much for United Nations Failures

The summary failure of the United Nations in regard to the Congo. There more recently there is the admitted inability to stop the atrocities in Syria.

In 1945, the United Nations Charter, which was adopted and signed on June 26, 1945, is now effective and ready to be enforced.

The United Nations was born of perceived necessity, as a means of better arbitrating international conflict and negotiating peace than was provided for by the old League of Nations. The growing Second World War became the real impetus for the United States, Britain, and the Soviet Union to begin formulating the original U.N. Declaration, signed by 26 nations in January 1942, as a formal act of opposition to Germany, Italy, and Japan, the Axis Powers.

The principles of the U.N. Charter were first formulated at the San Francisco Conference, which convened on April 25, 1945. It was presided over by President Franklin Roosevelt, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, and Soviet Premier Joseph Stalin, and attended by representatives of 50 nations, including 9 continental European states, 21 North, Central, and South American republics, 7 Middle Eastern states, 5 British Commonwealth nations, 2 Soviet republics (in addition to the USSR itself), 2 East Asian nations, and 3 African states. The conference laid out a structure for a new international organization that was to “save succeeding generations from the scourge of war,…to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights,…to establish conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained, and to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom.”

Today, the United Nations is a failed global operation and the United States pays the largest share of the financial freight. All of it is too much.

By: Brett D. Schaefer is the Jay Kingham Fellow in International Regulatory Affairs at Heritage Foundation’s Margaret Thatcher Center for Freedom.

America, we pay way too much for the United Nations

‘Each year the United States gives approximately $8 billion in mandatory payments and voluntary contributions to the United Nations and its affiliated organizations. The biggest portion of this money – about $3 billion this year – goes to the U.N.’s regular and peacekeeping budgets.

If that seems like a lot, it is—far more than anyone else pays And it’s also, in some cases, bad value for money.

The U.N. system for calculating member nations’ “fair share” payment toward its regular and peacekeeping budgets has increasingly shifted the burden away from the vast majority of the 193 members and onto a relative handful of high-income nations, especially the U.S. Indeed some nations pay next to nothing.

Over the last six decades, the share of the U.N. expenses borne by poor or small member states has steadily ratcheted downward to near- microscopic levels. From 1974 to 1998, the minimum mandatory payment for the regular budget for example, fell from 0.04 percent to 0.001 percent. For the peacekeeping budget, the minimum is 0.0001 percent.

The U.N. system for calculating member nations’ “fair share” payment toward its regular and peacekeeping budgets has increasingly shifted the burden away from the vast majority of the 193 members and onto a relative handful of high-income nations, especially the U.S. Indeed, some nations pay next to nothing.

In addition, over three quarters of the total U.N. membership get additional discounts, with the cost also shifted to wealthier countries.

The end result is a hugely skewed bill for U.N. expenses.

In 2015, 35 countries will be charged the minimum regular budget assessment of 0.001 percent which works out to approximately$28,269 each. Twenty countries will be charged the minimum peacekeeping assessment of 0.0001 percent or approximately $8,470 apiece.

By contrast, the U.S. is assessed 22 percent of the regular budget (approximately $622 million) and over 28 percent of the peacekeeping budget (approximately $2.402 billion).

Put another way, the U.S. will be assessed more than 176 other member states combined for the regular budget and more than 185 countries combined for the peacekeeping budget. Who says America isn’t exceptional!

This is more than a complaint about dollars. It’s also about the value received for those outsized contributions. Consider:

· An independent academic study assessing best and worst practices among aid agencies ranked U.N. organizations among the worst.

·Numerous reports, audits, and investigations have revealed mismanagement, fraud and corruption in procurement for U.N. peacekeeping.

· Studies and reports have identified U.N. peacekeepers as the source of the cholera outbreak that ravaged Haiti starting in 2010, leaving more than 8,000 dead and more than 600,000 seriously sickened.

· A 2014 study of eight of the nine U.N. peacekeeping operations with a mandate to protect civilians found that peacekeepers “did not report responding to 406 (80 per cent) of [the 570] incidents where civilians were attacked.”

· U.N. personnel have been accused of sexual exploitation and abuse in Bosnia, Burundi, Cambodia, Congo, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Guinea, Kosovo, Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Sudan. Recent news stories from the Central African Republic and Haiti indicate the problem is still far too common and the U.N. is more interested in concealing the issue than in confronting it

· Atop all that, U.N. employees enjoy extremely generous benefits and salaries—over 32 percent higher than U.S. civil servants of equivalent rank.

Moreover, the U.N. and its employees enjoy broad protections and immunities and cannot be sued in national courts, arrested, or prosecuted for actions related to their official duties unless those immunities are waived. This places an extremely heavy responsibility on the U.N. to self-police, correct, and punish wrongdoing by the organization and its employees.

Unfortunately, oversight and accountability at the U.N. have historically been weak. And on the rare occasion when internal watchdogs bite, the organization moves to defang them.

Take the case of the Procurement Task Force (PTF) , a special U.N. unit that went to work in 2006  to root out corruption.   It uncovered fraud, waste, and mismanagement involving contracts valued at more than $630 million. It led to misconduct findings and convictions of U.N. officials.

Unfortunately the PTF was eliminated in 2008—at the behest of countries angry about PTF actions against their nationals holding U.N. staff positions. The U.N. has not completed any major corruption cases since the PTF was eliminated.

Poor oversight is made worse by U.N. hostility toward its own whistleblowers. Only a few weeks ago, nine staffers from various U.N. organizations sent a letter to the Secretary-General asserting that the U.N. affords “little to no measure of real or meaningful protection for whistleblowers.”

The U.N. badly needs reform, but the U.S., despite the mammoth checks it writes, can’t reform the U.N. alone. In the one-nation, one-vote world of the U.N., it needs support from other nations. Unfortunately, many of them remain blasé about U.N. budget increases, corruption, and inefficiencies because the financial impact on them is miniscule.

To change the institution, the first thing that needs to change is the thumb-on-the-scales system that makes the U.S. the biggest bill-payer, but just one of 193 voting members when it comes to demanding honesty, efficiency and effectiveness in return for its over-generous payments.

Congress and the Obama administration have both said they want the United Nations to be more transparent and accountable and to use its resources more effectively. To make that happen, major donors must have a greater say in budgetary decisions, and smaller donors must assume financial responsibilities that lead them to undertake budgetary decisions and conduct serious oversight.

Every three years the U.N. General Assembly approves adjustment to its scale of assessments: 2015 is one of those years. The U.S. should not let this opportunity slip away to get more for its money—and make other nations actually try to make the U.N. live up to the image that the organization likes to show the world.’

If you agree that the United Nations should have funding cut, you’re in luck. Here is the link to sign the petition.