Smith, WeeklyStandard: Early last Wednesday, Iran released the ten American sailors it had detained to coincide with President Obama’s State of the Union address Tuesday night. The administration understood clearly that the Iranians were both trying to ruin Obama’s victory lap and sending a message—on the eve of implementing the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action—that Tehran will be calling the shots. So Obama made no mention of Iran’s capturing 10 Americans during his speech: No way were the Iranians going to get a rise out of him on his day.
The administration would prefer to forget the incident entirely—along with a series of other hostile acts by Iran since the nuclear deal was signed in July. In addition to its customary “Death to America” rallies, in the last few months the Islamic Republic has sentenced, in secret, Washington Post journalist Jason Rezaian; imprisoned U.S. citizen Siamak Namazi; tested ballistic missiles, in violation of U.N. Security Council resolutions; fired rockets near a U.S. aircraft carrier in the Straits of Hormuz; and attacked two diplomatic missions belonging to longtime American ally Saudi Arabia. Detaining American sailors comports perfectly with this pattern.
Some American lawmakers aren’t willing to let it slide. Representative Mike Pompeo (R-Kan.) released a statement saying “we now must fully investigate Iran for possible violations of the Geneva Convention and ensure these sailors were treated properly.”
Pompeo is on solid ground. When the Iranians detained British sailors in 2007 and paraded them on television, Prime Minister Tony Blair rightly described it as a breach of the Geneva Conventions. Article 13 stipulates that “prisoners of war must at all times be protected, particularly against acts of violence or intimidation and against insults and public curiosity.” The first piece of evidence that the Iranians violated Geneva are the photographs and videos of the American sailors, especially those of them kneeling with their hands behind their heads, which were shown repeatedly in the Iranian media; further evidence is the coerced apology from the commanding officer.
It’s worth noting that Iran’s latest hostile action has given us a clearer picture of how the regime actually functions. As the event unfolded, CNN and other American media spoke of the “two Irans,” meaning the hardliners and the moderates. This has been the administration’s working theory, which holds that the former comprises the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. The “moderates” in this view are figures like President Hassan Rouhani and Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif. In this scenario, it was the “hardliners” who were responsible for detaining the 10 Americans, and it was thanks to the diplomatic channel that John Kerry opened with Zarif while negotiating the nuclear deal that the sailors were freed without much delay. This theory posits that the hardliners kidnapped the Americans in an effort to embarrass the moderates, who want warmer relations with the White House. Therefore, the fact that the moderates prevailed signals a great victory for moderation and American diplomacy—for “principled diplomacy,” to use Obama’s phrase.
This scenario may be possible, but it isn’t likely. If there really is a split in the regime, why would the hardliners put themselves in a position to lose an intra-regime battle against the moderates? It would show the world that they’re not only weaker than the moderates, they’re also weaker than the moderates’ new partners, John Kerry and Barack Obama. Indeed, if it was the moderates who liberated the sailors from the grip of the extremists, it means the supreme leader himself required them to free the Great Satan’s seamen. Which would mean that the supreme leader has sided with the moderates and the Americans against the extremists.
That’s a stretch, to say the least. What is far more likely is that there is no such split between moderates and hardliners. The two camps—if there are indeed two camps—work in tandem. The hardliners take prisoners and the moderates negotiate the price of their release. Iran’s moderates are a ministry of bagmen sent out to collect on behalf of the hard men.
In short, the regime with which the White House has negotiated the future of American national security is still a regime that takes Americans hostage. Unless you believe that hijacking a U.S. Navy boat, humiliating its crew, photographing them with their hands above their heads, and broadcasting their apologies on state television is a demonstration of peaceful, moderate intentions.
Category Archives: ISIS ISIL Islamic State Caliphate
Terrorists, Here, There and Here
Houston terror suspect reportedly wanted to blow up Galleria, Sharpstown Mall
ABC: During testimony, we learned he allegedly discussed placing bombs at Houston’s Galleria.
Eyewitness News also obtained photographic evidence used during the bond hearing — photos of what was seized from his apartment and one of Al Hardan allegedly pledging his loyalty to the Islamic State.
A federal investigator testified that Omar Faraj Saeed Al Hardan, 24, wanted to blow up the Galleria and Sharpstown Mall with a remote bomb. According to testimony, Al Hardan would put the bomb in a trash can and detonate it using a cell phone.
They also say he received military training on how to use an AK-47 late last year at a farm just outside of Houston. Agents say the training was conducted with a confidential informant, and the entire event was recorded by federal investigators. More here.
Just this week, Secretary of State John Kerry made this announcement of refugees:
DeptofState: Refugees survive terrible ordeals: torture, upheaval, perilous journeys, and tremendous loss. They are persecuted because of their race, religion, nationality, political opinion, or social group. Today, due to conflict and repression, there are nearly 20 million refugees in the world. For a small number of the most vulnerable of these refugees, the United States strives to provide a new start through refugee resettlement.
It is a tradition that exemplifies American leadership in humanitarian causes around the world, and makes our nation a beacon of hope. That is why Secretary Kerry was pleased to announce today that we will further expand the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program to help vulnerable families and individuals from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras, offering a safe and legal alternative to the dangerous and irregular journey many are currently taking in the hands of human smugglers. Full statement here
The UK has a border issue very much like that of the United States when it comes to terrorist and smugglers.
Mr Hobbs said the defence of the entire UK coastline, which is around 17,000km, is in the hands of just five customs cutters, decreasing numbers of coastguard vessels and a “paltry number” of police marine units, highlighting the scrapping of Essex Police’s units in 2013.
“If we are going to defend our borders against thousands of migrants including possible terrorist threats then we need to have strong coastal borders and airports – it should not be one at the expense of the other,” he added. Full summary here.
Florida Hezbollah Imam Travels to Syria and Back
Did Mohamad al-Halabi visit his terrorist nephew in Damascus?
FrontPage: Mohamad al-Halabi, a.k.a. Mohamad al-Fouani, the imam of the American Islamic Center of Florida, may operate out of Pompano Beach, Florida, however a good part of his life still resides in the Middle East, including his associations with the terrorist organization Hezbollah. In November, al-Halabi left the shores of the United States to travel to his native home of Syria. While there, he visited family, but were they his Hezbollah family?
Recently the American Islamic Center of Florida or AICF moved from Boca Raton, where it had been a part of the community since 2003, to its new location in Pompano Beach. It seems the move has also prompted Mohamad al-Halabi, the Shiite mosque’s imam, to go by another name, that being Mohamad al-Fouani.
For the mosque and the imam it is a new beginning, though it is not enough to shake al-Halabi’s – or al-Fouani’s – radical past, no matter how much he attempts to conceal his identity from law enforcement or others. Full story here.
Lastly but certainly not least, we have normalized relations with Iran and just what does Iran do and what is the future?
Tehran Acknowledge 200 Thousand Armed Youth in Five Countries
In the first official confession of the presence of Iranian Armed youth, the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Commander, Mohammad Ali Jafari, acknowledged training tens of thousands of Shiite youths, whom he called the armed revolutionary generation, for jihad in Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan and Yemen.
Jafari said, at the funeral of Hamid Reza Asadullah, a leader in the Revolutionary Guards who was killed in Syria, that the positive outcome of the developments and events in the region is the training of about two hundred thousand armed young troops and the major role these troops are playing in the countries of the region.
Jafari added that he is looking forward to encourage the third generation of the revolution to support the Iranian Guardian Jurist, pointing out the importance of the presence of Iranian youths in battles of Syria, Iraq and Yemen.
The IRGC works outside Iran through the Quds Force, which is led by General Qassem Soleimani. Remarkably, it does not have any military force, yet it prepares and trains all the Revolutionary Guards’ institutions for use when needed.The IRGC used to include four major forces, which are the Ground Forces, Air Force, Navy, and Missile Force. Recently, and according to an expert who observes Iranian affairs, the IRGG introduced its fifth force, which is the “Electronic, Intelligence and Cultural Deterrence Force”.
The expert told Asharq Al-Awsat that the Guards work in Syria through military advisers who monitor operating rooms. The Guards’ fighters who head towards supporting the Syrian regime had no regulatory decisions; however, they are experienced in battling and have worked in advanced operating rooms.
Who is Still Left at Gitmo, Names Provided
Of 93 detainees left at Gitmo, the Pentagon Press Secretary says 34 approved for transfer and 49 eligible for transfer review. 10 face criminal charges. By the way, the owner of this website, www.founderscode.com offers prayers and condolences to all those families who lost a warrior in the war on terror while capturing these detainees, including those sailors on the USS Cole.
Frankly, the whole mess of Ash Carter and the White House releasing these detainees is a political tragedy. Personally, we should all call for the resignation of Ash Carter.
Who’s still held at Guantánamo
Here is a list of 93 detainees currently held at Guantánamo.
McClatchy Newspapers and the Miami Herald consulted court and other public records as well as sources in tandem with secret U.S. military intelligence summaries provided by WikiLeaks to determine who was still being held there.
Clicking on the name will take you to a U.S. intelligence profile provided to McClatchy Newspapers by Wikileaks, an assessment of each captive drawn up by the prison that their attorneys generally dispute.
In many cases, the summary also includes a photo of the detainee.
In January 2010, a federal, Obama administration task force sorted the detainees into separate categories, whose status we’ve incorporated into this list and are updating with decisions of the 2013 and 2014 Periodic Review Boards.
Of the 93 captives, 34 are approved for transfer in one fashion or another.
Of the 93 captives, 34 are approved for transfer in one fashion or another and 49 others are in a continue-to-detain status but have not been charged with a crime.
The last 10 captives have cases being handled through military commission proceedings — two through plea bargains and one who had been convicted of war crimes that were overturned although he is still held as a convict serving a life sentence.
Note: No intelligence summary was available for two men listed below because they were processed at the prison after the era that the WikiLeaks documents captured. In their place we provide links to the Defense Department news releases announcing their arrival at Guantánamo.
Spellings of names may vary from other documents, reports. So we’ve included the U.S Internment Serial Number, or ISN, along with a form of each captive’s name.
ISN27 Uthman Abdul Rahim Mohammed Uthman, Yemeni. He won his habeas corpus lawsuit on Feb. 24, 2010 but lost after the U.S. government appealed to the U.S. Appeals Court for the District of Columbia Circuit, which overturned the release order on March 29, 2011. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee, a forever prisoner.
ISN28 Moath al Alwi, Yemeni. A federal judge upheld his indefinite detention on Dec. 30, 2008, denying his habeas corpus petition. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee, a forever prisoner. A national security parole panel, called a Periodic Review Board, upheld that status on Oct. 26, 2015.
ISN29 Mohammed al-Ansi, Yemeni. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee, a forever prisoner.
ISN30 Ahmed al-Hikimi, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.
ISN31 Mahmud al-Mujahid, Yemeni, arrived the day the prison opened, Jan. 11, 2002. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee. But a national security parole panel, called a Periodic Review Board, lifted the “forever prisoner” designation and declared him approved for transfer, with security arrangements, Jan. 9, 2014.
ISN33 Mohammed al-Adahi, Yemeni. He won his habeas corpus lawsuit on Aug. 17, 2009 but lost when the government appealed the decision and the U.S. Appeals Court for the District of Columbia Circuit overturned the decision on July 13, 2010, and lost again at the federal court Aug. 7, 2014. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.
ISN37 Abdel Malik Abdel Wahab al Rahabi, Yemeni, arrived the day the prison opened, Jan. 11, 2002, as a suspected Osama bin Laden bodyguard. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee. A national security parole panel, called a Periodic Review Board, upheld that status on March 5, 2014 but a subsequent review cleared him for release on Dec. 5, 2014, if conditions permit. The board recommended that, if he is resettled in a third country, he be joined by his wife and daughter, who was born after his capture.
ISN38 Ridah Bin Saleh al Yazidi, Tunisian, arrived the day the prison opened, Jan. 11, 2002. An Obama administration task force in January 2010 designated him as cleared for release.
ISN39 Ali Hamza al Bahlul, Yemeni, arrived the day the prison opened, Jan. 11, 2002. A military commission convicted him of war crimes on Nov. 3, 2008 and sentenced him to life at Guantánamo for working as Osama bin Laden’s media secretary in Afghanistan. His Pentagon appellate attorneys systematically got that conviction overturned, although the military would say after the decision whether he remained segregated as a convict at Guantánamo’s Camp 5 Convict’s Corridor.
ISN40 Abdelqadir al-Mudhaffari, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.
ISN41 Majid Abdu Ahmed, Yemeni. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee, a forever prisoner.
ISN44 Mohammed Ghanem, Yemeni, arrived the day the prison opened, Jan. 11, 2002. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee, a forever prisoner.
ISN63 Mohammed al-Qahtani, Saudi. He was subjected to such cruel “enhanced interrogation techniques” at Guantánamo that a senior Pentagon official, Susan Crawford, told The Washington Post’s Bob Woodward that she concluded he was tortured in U.S. custody, and in May 2008 dropped charges against him alleging he was a co-conspirator in the Sept. 11 plot. He’s been at the Guantánamo prison since February 2002, according to leaked military documents. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial.
ISN91 Abdel al-Saleh, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.
ISN115 Abdul Rahman Salih Nasir, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.
ISN128 Ghaleb Nasser Bihani, Yemeni. A federal judge upheld his indefinite detention on Jan. 28, 2008, denying his habeas corpus petition, and a three-judge panel of the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit upheld that decision on Jan. 5, 2010. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee. But a national security parole panel, called a Periodic Review Board, lifted the “forever prisoner” designation and declared him approved for transfer, with security arrangements, on May 28, 2014.
ISN131 Salem bin Kanad, Yemeni who considers himself a Saudi. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee. A national security parole panel, called a Periodic Review Board, upheld that status on May 21, 2014.
ISN153 Fayiz Ahmad Yahia Suleiman, Yemeni. An Obama administration task force in January 2010 designated him as cleared for release.
ISN167 Ali Yahya Mahdi Abdo, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.
ISN178 Tariq Ba Odah, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.
ISN189 Falen Gherebi, also called Rafdat Muhammad Faqi Aljj-Saqqaf, a Libyan. An Obama administration task force in January 2010 designated him as cleared for release.
ISN223 Abd al-Rahman Abdu Abu Ghayth Sulayman, Yemeni. A federal judge upheld his indefinite detention on July 20, 2010, denying his habeas corpus petition. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.
ISN235 Saeed Ahmed Mohammed Abdullah Serem Jarabh, Yemeni. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee. But a national security parole panel, called a Periodic Review Board, lifted the “forever prisoner” designation and declared him approved for transfer, with security arrangements, March 5, 2015.
ISN240 Abdullah Yahia Yusif al Shibli, Saudi-born Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.
ISN242 Khalid Ahmad Qasim, Yemeni. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.
ISN244 Abdul Latif Nasir, Moroccan. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.
ISN249 Muhammad Abdullah Muhammad al-Hamiri, Yemeni. An Obama administration task force in January 2010 designated him as cleared for release.
ISN257 Umar Bin Hamza Abdulayev, Tajik. Cleared for release through both Bush and Obama administration review processes, his lawyer notified the federal court that he fears for his life if repatriated. If a third country can’t be found to resettle him safely, he says, he’d rather spend his life in U.S. detention.
ISN309 Muieen Adeen al-Sattar, born in the United Arab Emirates. An Obama administration task force in January 2010 designated him as cleared for release.
ISN321 Ahmed Yaslam Saijid Kuman, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.
ISN324 Mashoor al Sabri, Yemeni. A federal judge upheld his indefinite detention Feb. 3, 2011, denying his habeas corpus petition. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee. But a national security parole panel, called a Periodic Review Board , lifted the “forever prisoner” designation and declared him approved for transfer, with security arrangements, April 17, 2015.
ISN434 Mustafa Abdul Qowi Abdul al-Shamiri, Yemeni. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.
ISN440 Mohammed Ali Fowza, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.
ISN441 Mansoor Abdul Rahman al Dayfi, Yemeni. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee. But a national security parole panel, called a Periodic Review Board, lifted the “forever prisoner” designation and declared him approved for resettlement, with security arrangements, on Oct. 28, 2015.
ISN461 Abd Al-Rahman Mohammed Al-Taty, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.
ISN498 Muhammad Ahmad Said Haydar, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.
ISN508 Salman Yahya Hassan Muhammad Rabeii, Yemeni. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.
ISN509 Muhammad Nasir Yahya Khusruf, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.
ISN522 Yassim Qasim Muhammad Ismail Qasim, Yemeni. A federal judge upheld his indefinite detention April 8, 2010, denying his habeas corpus petition, and a three-judge panel of the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit upheld that decision on April 8, 2011. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.
ISN535 Tariq Mahmud Ahmad el Sawah, Egyptian. In 2008, a Bush administration era Pentagon prosecutor swore out conspiracy and providing material support for terrorism military commissions charges for allegedly serving as an al Qaeda explosives expert in a now defunct version of the military commissions. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial. Subsequently, the war court’s chief prosecutor declared the material support charge no longer viable. Internal Defense Department documents showed that in late 2014 he was still considered a candidate for a war crimes trial. But on Feb. 12, 2015, a national security parole panel, called a Periodic Review Board declared him approved for transfer, “with appropriate support, including medical care” and security assurances.
ISN550 Walid Said Bin Said Zaid, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.
ISN560 Hajawali Mohmad, Afghan. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.
ISN566 Masour Mohamed Mutaya Ali, Saudi-born Yemeni. An Obama administration task force in January 2010 designated him as cleared for release.
ISN569 Suhail Abdo Anam Shorabi, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial. He’s never been charged with a crime.
ISN576 Zahir Omar Hamis Bin Hamdoun, Yemeni. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.
ISN578 Abdul Aziz al-Suwedy, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.
ISN682 Ghassan al-Sharbi, Saudi. During the Bush administration he was designated for trial by a now defunct version of the military commissions using a crime, providing material support for terror, that the war court prosecutor considers no longer viable. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial.
ISN685 Abdul Razak Ali, Algerian. A federal judge upheld his indefinite detention as June 23, 2011, denying the habeas corpus petition of this Taliban government media spokesman, governor and Cabinet minister. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial. He’s never been charged with a crime.
ISN694 Sufiyan Barhoumi, Algerian. During the Bush administration he was designated for trial by a now defunct version of the military commissions. A federal judge upheld his indefinite detention on Sept. 3, 2009, denying his habeas corpus petition, and a three-judge panel of the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit upheld that decision detention on Jun. 22, 2010. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial.
ISN695 Omar Mohammed Khalif, Libyan. A federal judge upheld his indefinite detention May 28, 2010, denying his habeas corpus petition. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee. But a national security parole panel, called a Periodic Review Board, lifted the “forever prisoner” designation and declared him approved for transfer, with security arrangements, Aug. 20, 2015.
ISN696 Jubran Qahtani, Saudi. During the Bush administration he was designated for trial by a now defunct version of the military commissions using a crime, providing material support for terror, that the war court prosecutor considers no longer viable. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial.
ISN702 Ravil Mingazov, Russian. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial. He’s never been charged with a crime. He won his habeas corpus lawsuit on May 13, 2010. The U.S. government appealed to the U.S. Appeals Court for the District of Columbia Circuit, which in 2012 sent the habeas petition back to the U.S. District Court in Washington, D.C., for reconsideration. The case hasn’t been re-heard. His story has garnered more attention in the United States than many Guantánamo captive, in part because of offers by communities in western Massachusetts and Berkeley, Calif., to offer him asylum resettlement, were U.S. law to allow it.
ISN708 Ismael Ali Faraj al Bakush, Libyan. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.
ISN728 Abdul Muhammad Ahmad Nassir al-Muhajari, Yemeni. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.
ISN753 Abdul Zahir, Afghan. In 2006, the Bush administration designated him for trial by military commissions in charges the Obama administration had dismissed without prejudice. Charges included attacking civilians, aiding the enemy and conspiracy for allegedly attacking a civilian vehicle, injuring three journalists, and supporting the Taliban and al Qaeda forces in hostilities against coalition forces in Afghanistan. Internal Defense Department documents showed that in late 2014 he was still considered a candidate for a war crimes trial. His lawyer is arguing in federal court that, with combat over in Afghanistan he should be released.
ISN760 Mohamedou Ould Slahi, a Mauritanian who got to Guantánamo Aug. 5, 2002. He won his habeas corpus lawsuit on March 22, 2010 but the U.S. government appealed to the U.S. Appeals Court for the District of Columbia Circuit, which on Nov. 5, 2010 ordered the lower court to review his detention with a different standard. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial. He’s never been charged with a crime. Little, Brown, the U.S. publishing house, released his memoirs based on declassified accounts written at the prison in southeast Cuba. Written in English, the book “Guantánamo Diary” was translated into about two dozen languages and distributed in that many countries.
ISN762 Obaidullah, Afghan. During the Bush administration he was designated for trial by a now defunct version of the military commissions. Attorney General Eric Holder has also approved his trial by the new revamped military commission. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial. A federal judge upheld his indefinite detention Oct. 19, 2010. His lawyer is arguing in federal court that, with combat over in Afghanistan he should be released.
ISN768 Ahmed Muhammed Haza al Darbi, Saudi. He pleaded guilty to terror charges Feb. 20, 2014 as an accomplice in the 2002 terrorist attack against the French oil tanker, MV Limburg, carried out while Darbi was already at Guantánamo. He agreed to testify at the war court in exchange for return to a Saudi prison in 2018 and a maximum 15-year sentence begun Feb. 20, 2014.
ISN836 Ayub Murshid Ali Salih, Yemeni who got to Guantánamo Oct. 28, 2002. A chart accompanying the so-called Senate Intelligence Committee ‘Torture Report’ indicates he was held by the CIA for 30 days or more, apparently separate and apart from his military detention. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.
ISN837 Bashir Nasir Ali al-Marwalah, Yemeni who got to Guantánamo Oct. 28, 2002. A chart accompanying the so-called Senate Intelligence Committee ‘Torture Report’ indicates he was held by the CIA for 30 days or more, apparently separate and apart from his military detention. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.
ISN838 Shawqi Awad Balzuhair, Yemeni who got to Guantánamo Oct. 28, 2002. A chart accompanying the so-called Senate Intelligence Committee ‘Torture Report’ indicates he was held by the CIA for 30 days or more, apparently separate and apart from his military detention. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.
ISN839 Mussab Omar Ali al-Madhwani, Yemeni who got to Guantánamo Oct. 28, 2002. A chart accompanying the so-called Senate Intelligence Committee ‘Torture Report’ indicates he was held by the CIA for 30 days or more, apparently separate and apart from his military detention. A federal judge upheld his indefinite detention on Dec. 14, 2009, denying his habeas corpus petition., and a three-judge panel of the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit upheld his indefinite detention on May 27, 2011. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.
ISN840 Hayil al-Mithali, Yemeni who got to Guantánamo Oct. 28, 2002. A chart accompanying the so-called Senate Intelligence Committee ‘Torture Report’ indicates he was held by the CIA for 30 days or more, apparently separate and apart from his military detention. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.
ISN841 Said Salih Said, Yemeni who got to Guantánamo Oct. 28, 2002. A chart accompanying the so-called Senate Intelligence Committee ‘Torture Report’ indicates he was held by the CIA for 30 days or more, apparently separate and apart from his military detention. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.
ISN893 Tawfiq Nassar al-Bihani, Yemeni who got to Guantánamo Feb. 6, 2003. A federal judge upheld his indefinite detention on Sept. 22, 2010, denying his habeas corpus petition. A list included in the so-called Senate Intelligence Committee ‘Torture Report’ indicates he was held by the CIA for 50 days or more, apparently separate and apart from his military detention. His brother, Ghaleb, is ISN 128, also lost his unlawful detention case. In January 2010, a federal task force approved him for conditional return to his homeland, a third country or transfer to the United States if the prison camps in Cuba are closed. It said he was eligible for conditional release, if the security situation in Yemen improves — or a viable third-country settlement or rehabilitation program is found.
ISN975 Bostan Karim, Afghan. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee. His lawyer is arguing in federal court that, with combat over in Afghanistan he should be released.
ISN1017 Omar Mohammed Ali al-Rammah, Yemeni. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.
ISN1045 Mohammed Kamin, Afghan. During the Bush administration, he was designated for trial by military commission. The Obama administration considered the case and in 2010 put him in the category of “Law of War detainee,” a forever prisoner, until the Periodic Review Board concluded in September 2015 that he can be released. His lawyer had argued in federal court that, with combat over in Afghanistan, he should be released.
ISN1094 Saifullah A. Paracha, Pakistan who got to Guantánamo Sept. 19, 2004. A former U.S. green card holder, he is also the eldest of the Guantánamo detainees, according to leaked detention center records. The U.S. Senate Intelligence Commitee ‘Torture Report’ says he was captured July 5, 2003 in an FBI orchestrated operation and while the CIA wanted to take custody of him and interrogated him with so-called enhanced interrogation techniques, the proposal was rejected. He was born in Aug. 17, 1947, and has a history of coronary artery disease. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial. He’s never been charged with a crime.
ISN1119 Haji Hamidullah, Afghan. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee. His lawyer is arguing in federal court that, with combat over in Afghanistan he should be released.
ISN1453 Sanad Yislam al-Kazimi, Yemeni who got to Guantánamo Sept. 19, 2004. A chart accompanying the so-called Senate Intelligence Committee ‘Torture Report’ indicates he was held by the CIA for 270 days or more, apparently separate and apart from his military detention. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial. He’s never been charged with a crime but internal Defense Department documents showed that in late 2014 he was still considered a candidate for a war crimes trial.
ISN1456 Hassan Ali Bin Attash,Yemeni who got to Guantánamo Sept. 19, 2004. According to leaked military records, he is the youngest of the current detainees. He is also the brother of high-value detainee Walid Bin Attash, held in a different camp. His lawyer says they’ve never seen each other at Guantánamo. A chart accompanying the so-called Senate Intelligence Committee ‘Torture Report’ indicates he was held by the CIA for 120 days or more, apparently separate and apart from his military detention. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial. He’s never been charged with a crime.
ISN1457 Abdu Ali Sharqawi, Yemeni known as Riyadh the Facilitator who got to Guantánamo Sept. 19, 2004. A chart accompanying the so-called Senate Intelligence Committee ‘Torture Report’ indicates he was held by the CIA for 120 days or more, apparently separate and apart from his military detention. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial. He’s never been charged with a crime but internal Defense Department documents showed that in late 2014 he was still considered a candidate for a war crimes trial.
ISN1460 Abdul Rahim Gulam Rabbani, Saudi-born Pakistani who got to Guantánamo Sept. 19, 2004. A chart accompanying the so-called Senate Intelligence Committee ‘Torture Report’ indicates he was held by the CIA for 550 days or more, apparently separate and apart from his military detention. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial. He’s never been charged with a crime.
ISN1461 Ahmed Ghulam Rabbani, Saudi-born Pakistani who got to Guantánamo Sept. 19, 2004. A chart accompanying the so-called Senate Intelligence Committee ‘Torture Report’ indicates he was held by the CIA for 550 days or more, apparently separate and apart from his military detention. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial. He’s never been charged with a crime.
ISN1463 Abdulsalam al Hela, Yemeni who got to Guantánamo Sept. 19, 2004. A chart accompanying the so-called Senate Intelligence Committee ‘Torture Report’ indicates he was held by the CIA for 590 days or more, apparently separate and apart from his military detention. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee.
ISN3148 Harun al Afghani, Afghan. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial. He’s never been charged with a crime.
ISN10011 Mustafa Ahmad al-Hawsawi, Saudi who’s charged in death-penalty proceedings by military commission as an alleged co-conspirator in the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks. The ICRC says Pakistani authorities arrested him March 1, 2003 in Rawalpindi, Pakistan. As a former CIA “black site” captive who was taken to Guantánamo in September 2006, he is held in a secret prison where the Pentagon segregates so-called high-value detainees. Hear him speak to a military panel at Guantánamo in March 2007. Transcript here.
ISN10013 Ramzi bin al Shibh, Yemeni who’s charged in death-penalty proceedings by military commission as an alleged co-conspirator in the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks. The ICRC says Pakistani authorities arrested him Sept. 11, 2002 in Karachi, Pakistan. As a former CIA “black site” captive who was taken to Guantánamo in September 2006, he is held in a secret prison where the Pentagon segregates so-called high-value detainees. The so-called Senate Intelligence Committee ‘’Torture Report’ also says he was held previously at Guantánamo from September 2003 into April 2004. He went before a military panel at Guantánamo in March 2007 but chose to say nothing. You can hear it or read the transcript here.
ISN10014 Walid bin Attash, Yemeni who’s charged in death-penalty proceedings by military commission as an alleged co-conspirator in the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks. The ICRC says Pakistani authorities arrested him on April 29, 2003 in Karachi, Pakistan. As a former CIA “black site” captive who was taken to Guantánamo in September 2006, he is held in a secret prison where the Pentagon segregates so-called high-value detainees. Hear him speak to a military panel at Guantánamo in March 2007. Transcript here.
ISN10015 Abd al-Rahim al-Nashiri, Saudi who’s charged in death-penalty proceedings by military commission as an alleged conspirator in the October 2000 al Qaeda suicide bombing of the USS Cole off Aden, Yemen. The ICRC says he was arrested in October 2002 in Dubai, the United Arab Emirates. The so-called Senate Intelligence Committee “Torture Report” also says he was held previously at Guantánamo from September 2003 into April 2004. As a former CIA “black site” captive who was taken to Guantánamo in September 2006, he is held in a secret prison where the Pentagon segregates so-called high-value detainees. Hear him speak to a military panel at Guantánamo in March 2007. Transcript here.
ISN10016 Zayn al Abdeen Mohammed al Hussein, Palestinian known as Abu Zubaydah. The ICRC says he was arrested March 28, 2002 in Faisalabad, Pakistan. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial but he’s never been charged with a crime. Hear him speak to a military panel at Guantánamo in March 2007. Transcript here.
ISN10017 Mustafa Abu Faraj al Libi, Libyan. The ICRC says Pakistani authorities arrested him on May 2, 2005 in Mardan, Pakistan. As a former CIA “black site” captive who was taken to Guantánamo in September 2006, he is held in a secret prison where the Pentagon segregates so-called high-value detainees. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial but he’s never been charged with a crime.
ISN10018 Ammar al-Baluchi, Pakistani who’s charged in death-penalty proceedings by military commission as an alleged co-conspirator in the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks. The ICRC says Pakistani authorities arrested him on April 29, 2003 in Karachi, Pakistan. As a former CIA “black site” captive who was taken to Guantánamo in September 2006, he is held in a secret prison where the Pentagon segregates so-called high-value detainees.
ISN10019 Riduan Isomuddin, Indonesian known as Hambali. The ICRC says he was arrested Aug. 11, 2003 in Bangkok, Thailand. As a former CIA “black site” captive who was taken to Guantánamo in September 2006, he is held in a secret prison where the Pentagon segregates so-called high-value detainees. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial but he’s never been charged with a crime. Internal Defense Department documents showed that in late 2014 he was still considered a candidate for a war crimes trial.
ISN10020 Majid Khan, Pakistani. The International Red Cross says this Baltimore area educated man was arrested March 5, 2003 in Karachi, Pakistan. As a former CIA “black site” captive, he was taken to Guantánamo in September 2006 and held in a secret prison where the Pentagon segregates so-called high-value detainees. He turned government witness and pleaded guilty to war crimes Feb. 29, 2012, and is held in a separate secret site for cooperating ex-CIA captive witnesses at Guantánamo. There is currently no other. Hear him speak to a military panel at Guantánamo in March 2007. Transcript here.
ISN10021 Mohd Farik Bin Amin, Malaysian known as Zubair. The ICRC says he was arrested June 8, 2003 in Bangkok, Thailand. As a former CIA “black site” captive who was taken to Guantánamo in September 2006, he is held in a secret prison where the Pentagon segregates so-called high-value detainees. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial but he’s never been charged with a crime. Internal Defense Department documents showed that in late 2014 he was still considered a candidate for a war crimes trial.
ISN10022 Bashir Lap, Malaysian known as Lilie. The ICRC says he was arrested Aug. 11, 2003 in Bangkok, Thailand. As a former CIA “black site” captive who was taken to Guantánamo in September 2006, he is held in a secret prison where the Pentagon segregates so-called high-value detainees. In January 2010, a federal task force recommended he be considered for trial but he’s never been charged with a crime. Internal Defense Department documents showed that in late 2014 he was still considered a candidate for a war crimes trial.
ISN10023 Hassan Guleed, Somali. The ICRC says he was arrested March 4, 2004 in Djibouti. As a former CIA “black site” captive who was taken to Guantánamo in September 2006, he is held in a secret prison where the Pentagon segregates so-called high-value detainees. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee, a forever prisoner.
ISN10024 Khalid Sheik Mohammad, Pakistani who’s charged in death-penalty proceedings by military commission as the alleged mastermind in the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks. The ICRC says Pakistani authorities arrested him March 1, 2003 in Rawalpindi, Pakistan. As a former CIA “black site” captive who was taken to Guantánamo in September 2006, he is held in a secret prison where the Pentagon segregates so-called high-value detainees.
ISN10025 Abdul Malik, Kenyan. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee, a forever prisoner.
ISN10026 Abd al Hadi al Iraqi, Iraqi. The Pentagon announced that this former CIA captive was taken to Guantánamo on April 27, 2007. He is held in a secret prison where the Pentagon segregates so-called high-value detainees. He was arraigned June 18 and faces non-capital charges at the war court alleging he was commander of al-Qaida’s army between 2002 and 2004. If convicted, could be punished with a maximum of life in prison. No trial date has been set yet.
ISN10029 Muhammad Rahim al-Afghani, Afghan. The Pentagon announced that this former CIA captive was taken to Guantánamo on March 14, 2008. He is held in a secret prison where the Pentagon segregates so-called high-value detainees. A multi-agency federal task force classified him in January 2010 as “continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war,” an indefinite detainee, a forever prisoner.
Read more here: http://www.miamiherald.com/news/nation-world/world/americas/guantanamo/article2203501.html#storylink=cpy
Russia’s long-term Agreement with Assad Published
It was only last August 2015 that:
The Syrian government has received six MiG-31 ‘Foxhound’ interceptor aircraft from Russia under a deal that was said to have been signed in 2007, a regional media source has reported.
The aircraft recently arrived at Mezze Airbase on the outskirts of Damascus, the Turkish BGN News agency reported on 16 August.
Syria was reported to have ordered eight MiG-31 combat aircraft as part of a wider defence deal with Russia in 2007. Although this deal was confirmed at the time by the head of the United Aircraft Corporation (UAC), Alexei Fyodorov, it was later denied by Anatoly Isaykin, director of state arms export bureau Rosoboronexport, who in 2010 described the sale as “a journalistic hoax”. Neither the Russian nor the Syrian authorities have so far commented publicly on the reported deliveries.
The MiG-31 first entered Soviet service in the early 1980s as a long-range, high-altitude, and high-speed interceptor. Although relatively old, it is still a highly capable platform that features some of the latest sensor and weapons fits.
In particular, the MiG-31’s NIIP N007 S-800 SBI-16 (RP-31) Zaslon or Zaslon-A electronically scanned phased-array fire-control radar (NATO codename ‘Flash Dance’) affords it an impressive beyond-visual range capability, enabling it to see airborne targets out to a range of 108 n miles (200 km; 124 miles) in a clutter-free forward sector, or 48 n miles (90 km; 56 miles) to the rear. It is capable of tracking 10 targets and attacking four simultaneously. Coupled with this radar, the MiG-31’s R-33 (NATO codename AA-9 ‘Amos’) or R-37 (AA-X-13/AA-13 ‘Arrow’) long-range air-to-air missiles afford it a highly potent beyond-visual range (BVR) air-to-air capability.
According to IHS Jane’s World Air Forces , Russia has approximately 200 MiG-31s in service that it is currently in the process of upgrading to keep them operational through to the 2030s. With the exception of Russia and now possibly Syria, only Kazakhstan flies the type.
COMMENT
Until the arrival of the MiG-31s in Damascus is confirmed, it should be treated with an element of scepticism. With the regime of Bashar al-Assad finding itself increasingly hard-pressed on the ground, it has to be noted that a state-of-the-art high-altitude interceptor is probably of limited use right now.
The delivery has been linked to Western proposals for a no-fly buffer zone to be established over Syria, but while the MiG-31s would certainly give NATO planners pause for thought, their small number and single basing location would mean that they would likely be destroyed in the early hours of any alliance effort to establish air dominance over the country ahead of implementing such a no-fly zone.
This surely keeps the United States out of the Syria Islamic State, Jabhat al Nusra war theater.
MOSCOW (AP) —Russian warplanes in Syria have flown their first joint combat mission with the Syrian air force, Russia’s Defense Ministry said Thursday.
The Defense Ministry said that a pair of Syrian MiG-29 fighter jets escorted two Russian Su-25 ground attack aircraft during Thursday’s mission.
The ministry said that Syrian pilots had previously visited the Russian base to discuss details of the mission. It released a video showing the Russian planes taking off from Hemeimeem air base and being joined in flight by the Syrian jets.
Russia has conducted an air campaign in Syria since Sept. 30. Moscow has insisted that Russian warplanes are focusing their strikes on the Islamic State group and other extremists, but the U.S. and its allies say they also hit moderate groups fighting Syrian President Bashar Assad‘s army.
Agreement between the Russian Federation and the Syrian Arab Republic on the stationing of an aviation unit of the armed forces of the Russian Federation on the territory of the Syrian Arab Republic on August 26, 2015 year (temporarily applied with August 26, 2015 onwards)
Reuters: Russia is allowed to deploy its air force in Syria for an open-ended period under the terms of an agreement signed between Moscow and Damascus in August, the RIA news agency said today, citing the text of the document.Russian planes flying out of a base in Syria’s Latakia province have been bombing Islamic militants since September 30 as part of a push to help Syrian President Bashar al-Assad defeat his opponents on the battle field.REUTERS SHS AN2241
Bloomberg: Russia’s military is operating in Syria without a time limit under an accord between the two governments, which also agreed to a one-year notice period for either side to terminate the pact, according to the text of the deal dated Aug. 26 and published Thursday.
The document also states that Russia bears no responsibility for any damage it causes during the operation and that the Syrian government will have to settle any disputes against the Russian aviation group from third parties, according to the agreement, signed in Damascus last year and now published by the Kremlin.
Russian personnel have diplomatic immunity under the deal and Syrian authorities can’t enter their base without the permission of its Russian commander. They are also not allowed to inspect Russian shipments into the country or search Russian planes, it says.
President Vladimir Putin launched the air campaign on Sept. 30 and doubled the fleet of warplanes involved in bombing missions to about 70 in November. Russian bombers made more than 5,500 sorties since the strikes began, according to the Defense Ministry in Moscow.
More historical data on Jabhat al Nusra is found here.
Military: NO RoE’s vs. Pentagon vs. White House
U.S. Forces Tied by Old Rules in Afghanistan
Lake, Bloomberg:Current and former U.S. military officials tell me that the U.S. and NATO mission in Afghanistan is almost entirely focused on the re-emergence of al Qaeda and that strikes against Islamic State leaders are scarce.
Afghan news media reported one such strike over the weekend in the province of Nangarhar. In July U.S. airstrikes reportedly killed Hafez Saeed, an Islamic State leader in what the group has called its Khoresan Province. But U.S. officials tell me the rules of engagement in Afghanistan are highly restrictive.
“There are real restrictions about what they can do against the ISIS presence in Afghanistan,” Mac Thornberry, the chairman of the House Armed Services Committee, told me about the rules of engagement for U.S. forces in Afghanistan.
Thornberry said that the rules of engagement, combined with what he called micro-management from the White House, have led military officers to tell him they have to go through several unnecessary and burdensome hoops before firing at the enemy. More here.
WASHINGTON ~ DefenseNews — US House Armed Services Chairman Rep. Mac Thornberry outlined his plans in the coming year to focus on the Pentagon’s strategy to maintain American dominance for the next 25 years, cyber, nuclear modernization and special operations.
“Our committee has spent more time over the last year on the issue of our eroding technological superiority than it has spent on any other issue,” the Texas Republican told an audience at the National Press Club today.
The chairman said while he applauded the Pentagon’s efforts “no one should be under the illusion that a handful of technology breakthroughs, even if they come, are going to guarantee our dominant position for many years ahead.” Technology changes too quickly, information moves too fast and the threats are too diverse. Therefore, “bigger change is required,” he added.
On cyber as a new domain in warfare, Thornberry acknowledged that technology is not the primary problem that needs to be solved to operate effectively in such a domain.
“Organizations, people are the most fruitful things,” he said. “We have to be able to fight and win in cyberspace so the committee is pushing issues related to people, organization, rules of engagement in that domain to try to make sure we close the gap between the threat and the policies we now have to deploy.”
Thornberry said “it may seem a little bit odd” to have nuclear deterrence listed as a priority. “But as events over the last week have shown nuclear know-how is spreading. Our own nuclear deterrent is the foundation for all our other defense efforts.”
Last week, North Korea claimed it successfully tested a hydrogen bomb. The US and its allies are working to determine within weeks whether North Korea’s nuclear test did in fact involve a hydrogen bomb or a far less powerful atomic bomb.
But while North Korea works to boost the capability of its weapons and Russia continues to advance its nuclear technology, “unfortunately our warheads and our delivery systems have all been neglected and are all aging out at about the same time,” Thornberry said.
“We have to put the resources, which studies show would never be more than 5 percent of the total defense budget, but we have to put the resources as well as the focused effort and the willpower into making sure that we have a nuclear deterrent that will continue to protect this country in the future,” he said, “not just a nuclear deterrent that was designed for a different age.”
Thornberry said he’d focus on how to best use special operations forces in the future.
“The world, including our enemies, has gotten a pretty good look at the enormous capability that our special operations forces brings,” he said.
Special operations forces have deployed most recently to Syria as part of a major overhaul of the US government’s strategy against the Islamic State group last November. President Barack Obama authorized the deployment of fewer than 50 special operations troops to northern Syria.
Also signaling the important role special operations will play in the Middle East in the coming years, it has been reported that Obama plans to tap Special Operations Command head Army Gen. Joseph Votel as the next leader for US Central Command.
“I have no doubt that we will continue to rely on them heavily in the future but there is a temptation, and we’ve seen it in other nations, to use SOF forces for everything,” Thornberry said, likening the use of such forces to “taking a sharp knife and raking it across the concrete. You keep doing that and it’s not so sharp anymore.”
The committee, Thornberry said, “will be both supportive but also protective of our SOF capabilities because some of them are absolutely vital for the security of our nation.”
One way the US Special Operations Forces excel, Thornberry noted, is its ability to work with other security forces.
“We will also be examining ways to help strengthen that capability because obviously we will be doing more of that in the future,” he said.
Thornberry, who pushed through many acquisition reform policies in his first year as HASC chairman, said he would build upon his efforts in acquisition reform this year.
The plan, he said, is to introduce a stand-alone bill on reform, most likely in late March. Following the release of the bill, feedback will be solicited and comments will be taken into account, according to Thornberry. Then the reform provisions will be folded into the fiscal 2017 defense authorization bill.
“One goal I have this year is to encourage more experimentation and prototyping,” Thornberry added. Experimentation is at the heart of all successful military innovations, he said.
Fostering more experimentation will help ensure that technology is mature before the start of production thus reducing the odds of running over budget during a program of record to try to get the technology right, which can often end in a canceled program.
Thornberry acknowledged that today it’s hard to get money for experimentation without it being attached to a program of record.
“Programs of record seems to be sacrosanct because once they get started they hardly ever get stopped. I want to look for ways to foster experimentation and prototyping both in developing technology and in their application and ensure that only mature technology goes into production,” he said.
“To do that a cultural shift is needed not only at DoD but within Congress. We have to accept regular small failures in order to have greater successes.”